This year has been the worst for terrorist attacks on British soil since the height of the Troubles in Northern Ireland more than forty years ago. Stefan Wermuth / Reuters
This year has been the worst for terrorist attacks on British soil since the height of the Troubles in Northern Ireland more than forty years ago. Stefan Wermuth / Reuters
This year has been the worst for terrorist attacks on British soil since the height of the Troubles in Northern Ireland more than forty years ago. Stefan Wermuth / Reuters
This year has been the worst for terrorist attacks on British soil since the height of the Troubles in Northern Ireland more than forty years ago. Stefan Wermuth / Reuters

After much hand-wringing, is Britain finally developing a robust response to the menace of ISIL-inspired terror at home?


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Ever since the September 11 attacks against the US in 2001 forever changed the face of modern conflict, Britain has played a frontline role in the long-running campaign to defeat Islamist extremism. From the initial US-led military intervention to destroy Osama bin Laden’s Al Qaeda base in Afghanistan in the autumn of 2001, to the more recent victories declared against ISIL in Mosul and Raqqa, Britain and its military have been at the forefront of the action.

Britain's commitment to the war against Islamist-inspired extremism, moreover, stands in stark contrast to the efforts of other leading European nations like France, whose involvement has been patchy, to say the least. Having initially committed to the Nato-led effort to defeat the Taliban, France withdrew its troops from Afghanistan when the going got tough, and only became properly involved in the war against ISIL in Syria after it suffered a series of ISIL-inspired terror attacks on its own soil in cities like Paris.

But while Britain can take pride in the leading role it has played in a campaign many counter-terrorism experts predict with last for a generation or more, its policy of taking a prominent role in the anti-extremist campaign has not been without drawbacks.

This year has been the worst for terrorist attacks on British soil since the height of the Troubles in Northern Ireland more than forty years ago, when the IRA regularly carried out major terrorist attacks on the UK mainland that caused mass casualties, such as the Birmingham pub bombing in 1974 that killed 21 people. So far in 2017, Britain has suffered three major terror attacks, with major incidents on Westminster Bridge and London Bridge, as well as the appalling attack on the Manchester Arena in May that killed 22 people.

These attacks resulted in Britain being put on the highest terror alert since the September 11 attacks, with British security officials intensifying their efforts to disrupt Islamist terror cells. But despite their efforts, ISIL-inspired terror cells are continuing with their efforts to stage massive attacks against prominent British targets.

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Earlier this week Andrew Parker, the director-general of MI5, Britain's domestic security service, briefed Downing Street on the dramatic upsurge in the number of plots that have so far been foiled in the UK this year. The most high-profile of these concerns allegations that two British-born Muslims, who are said to have links to ISIL, were plotting to kill British prime minister Theresa May in Downing Street.

According to the report given to British ministers, the alleged terrorists planned to plant an improvised explosive device at the gates of Downing Street and then, after it had detonated, to kill Mrs May with a knife and a suicide vest inside Number 10.

It is a tactic that has been used many times before in places like Kabul and Baghdad by ISIL and al-Qaeda terror cells. But it has never before been used on the streets of Britain, and the fact that MI5 says the plotters, who have now been charged with terrorist offences, were planning to carry out such an audacious attack in the heart of London demonstrates the commitment of ISIL-related groups to seeking revenge against the British government. In another plot, an extremist has been accused of helping to plot an attack on Prince George, the eldest son of the Duke of Cambridge and heir to the throne.

There can be little doubt that the upsurge in attacks and plots outlined by Mr Parker to ministers is a direct result of Britain’s role in the war against Islamist militants and outfits such as ISIL. Mr Parker, who admitted the current threat level is the highest in the UK he has experienced in a career spanning 34 years, said Islamist militants were seeking to inflict mass attacks through “spontaneous” plots that can take just a few days to bring to execution.

Many of those involved in the plots have been radicalised online through access to ISIL propaganda on social media websites. Others, such as the Manchester bomber Salman Abedi, travelled abroad to countries like Libya to link up with ISIL-related groups, where they are believed to have received training and instructions on how to carry out their diabolical attacks.

The level of Islamist-inspired terrorist activity in the UK certainly raises questions about the British government's continuing lenient attitude to Islamist groups like the Muslim Brotherhood, which British security experts readily concede is an entry point for more extremist groups like ISIL and Al Qaeda. Moreover, Mrs May's reluctance to tackle the issue resulted an unseemly diplomatic spat with US president Donald Trump last week after he tweeted that Britain was not doing enough to combat Islamist-inspired extremism.

But there are now encouraging signs that at least some senior ministers are prepared to take a more robust approach to the mounting Islamist threat in Britain’s midst. Gavin Williamson, Britain’s newly appointed defence secretary, indicated the government was prepared to take a more hard-line approach to the threat when he said in an interview this week that Britons fighting for ISIL in countries like Syria should be killed by drones, rather than being allowed to return to the UK and kill innocent British civilians.

Such sentiments are certainly a welcome change from the usual hand-wringing one has come to expect from British politicians on the subject. For they need to understand that the war against Islamist extremism is not a conflict confined to the Middle East, but one that is now being fought on the streets of Britain too.

Con Coughlin is the Daily Telegraph’s Defence and Foreign Affairs Editor

Company Profile

Name: Thndr
Started: 2019
Co-founders: Ahmad Hammouda and Seif Amr
Sector: FinTech
Headquarters: Egypt
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The alternatives

• Founded in 2014, Telr is a payment aggregator and gateway with an office in Silicon Oasis. It’s e-commerce entry plan costs Dh349 monthly (plus VAT). QR codes direct customers to an online payment page and merchants can generate payments through messaging apps.

• Business Bay’s Pallapay claims 40,000-plus active merchants who can invoice customers and receive payment by card. Fees range from 1.99 per cent plus Dh1 per transaction depending on payment method and location, such as online or via UAE mobile.

• Tap started in May 2013 in Kuwait, allowing Middle East businesses to bill, accept, receive and make payments online “easier, faster and smoother” via goSell and goCollect. It supports more than 10,000 merchants. Monthly fees range from US$65-100, plus card charges of 2.75-3.75 per cent and Dh1.2 per sale.

2checkout’s “all-in-one payment gateway and merchant account” accepts payments in 200-plus markets for 2.4-3.9 per cent, plus a Dh1.2-Dh1.8 currency conversion charge. The US provider processes online shop and mobile transactions and has 17,000-plus active digital commerce users.

• PayPal is probably the best-known online goods payment method - usually used for eBay purchases -  but can be used to receive funds, providing everyone’s signed up. Costs from 2.9 per cent plus Dh1.2 per transaction.

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Date of start: 2013

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Send “thenational” to the following numbers or call the hotline on: 0502955999
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Mercer, the investment consulting arm of US services company Marsh & McLennan, expects its wealth division to at least double its assets under management (AUM) in the Middle East as wealth in the region continues to grow despite economic headwinds, a company official said.

Mercer Wealth, which globally has $160 billion in AUM, plans to boost its AUM in the region to $2-$3bn in the next 2-3 years from the present $1bn, said Yasir AbuShaban, a Dubai-based principal with Mercer Wealth.

Within the next two to three years, we are looking at reaching $2 to $3 billion as a conservative estimate and we do see an opportunity to do so,” said Mr AbuShaban.

Mercer does not directly make investments, but allocates clients’ money they have discretion to, to professional asset managers. They also provide advice to clients.

“We have buying power. We can negotiate on their (client’s) behalf with asset managers to provide them lower fees than they otherwise would have to get on their own,” he added.

Mercer Wealth’s clients include sovereign wealth funds, family offices, and insurance companies among others.

From its office in Dubai, Mercer also looks after Africa, India and Turkey, where they also see opportunity for growth.

Wealth creation in Middle East and Africa (MEA) grew 8.5 per cent to $8.1 trillion last year from $7.5tn in 2015, higher than last year’s global average of 6 per cent and the second-highest growth in a region after Asia-Pacific which grew 9.9 per cent, according to consultancy Boston Consulting Group (BCG). In the region, where wealth grew just 1.9 per cent in 2015 compared with 2014, a pickup in oil prices has helped in wealth generation.

BCG is forecasting MEA wealth will rise to $12tn by 2021, growing at an annual average of 8 per cent.

Drivers of wealth generation in the region will be split evenly between new wealth creation and growth of performance of existing assets, according to BCG.

Another general trend in the region is clients’ looking for a comprehensive approach to investing, according to Mr AbuShaban.

“Institutional investors or some of the families are seeing a slowdown in the available capital they have to invest and in that sense they are looking at optimizing the way they manage their portfolios and making sure they are not investing haphazardly and different parts of their investment are working together,” said Mr AbuShaban.

Some clients also have a higher appetite for risk, given the low interest-rate environment that does not provide enough yield for some institutional investors. These clients are keen to invest in illiquid assets, such as private equity and infrastructure.

“What we have seen is a desire for higher returns in what has been a low-return environment specifically in various fixed income or bonds,” he said.

“In this environment, we have seen a de facto increase in the risk that clients are taking in things like illiquid investments, private equity investments, infrastructure and private debt, those kind of investments were higher illiquidity results in incrementally higher returns.”

The Abu Dhabi Investment Authority, one of the largest sovereign wealth funds, said in its 2016 report that has gradually increased its exposure in direct private equity and private credit transactions, mainly in Asian markets and especially in China and India. The authority’s private equity department focused on structured equities owing to “their defensive characteristics.”

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