The doctor of Tahrir Square: how one man risks arrest to help Iraq’s injured


Gareth Browne
  • English
  • Arabic

In a vastly unequal society, Dr Ali Al Abadi survived crisis after crisis, rising high enough to live comfortably.

When street protests erupted in Iraq in October, they were met with a violent crackdown from the security forces. Facing everything from snipers’ bullets to tear-gas canisters, the number of dead and injured began to climb.

With protesters being wounded at an alarming rate, many flocked to Baghdad’s Tahrir Square to do whatever they could to offer support. So did Dr Al Abadi, giving up a secure family life in the southern city of Nasiriyah. His salary as a surgeon bought him the stability and comfort craved by many who took to the streets.

Speaking to The National from his ramshackle clinic, Dr Al Abadi recalls working across the world for the United Nations, naming Yemen, South Sudan and Guinea as just some of the places where he was posted.

There are few things he has not seen during a 30-year medical career in some of the most difficult circumstances the world has to offer. Now, he is dealing with a major crisis in his own country.

His clinic is a long way from the fully equipped hospital he works at in Nasiriyah. Filthy blankets rest on beds under a tarpaulin roof. When it rains, strategically positioned buckets stop the place from flooding. A long counter with countless half-empty boxes of medication is his pharmacy. He refuses to waste a single tablet or a drop of antiseptic cream – everything may come in useful at some time.

Dr Al Abadi towers above many of the others in the square, in terms of stature and age. The protest movement has largely drawn those who are young, unemployed or students. At 53, Dr Al Abadi is an elder, although he is just as angry at the government as the young people around him. “We want to reinvent the political culture – on our terms,” he says.

“This is a government that doesn’t care for its people. It’s a government that doesn’t care for peacefulness.”

The Doctor, as he is simply known around the square, often barks at his portly assistant Hisham, who occasionally has the demeanour of a grumpy schoolteacher. At the same time, he is clearly proud to be among the protesters.

With armed police and militiamen standing guard at the entrances to the city’s main hospitals, many protesters are too afraid to seek treatment there. So it has fallen to a handful of volunteers to treat not only the gunshot wounds and the effects of tear gas on protesters who return from clashes with the security forces, but to also maintain health in the tent city in Tahrir where thousands are camped.

Dr Al Abadi’s clinic, like others in the square, relies entirely on donations, from saline and syringes to the lunches that keep him going. His salary has been cut since leaving Nasiriyah and he often has to dig into his savings to buy bandages and drugs.

He is sure that he will be arrested the moment he leaves the safety of Tahrir Square.

Since leaving his job, the protest site has become Dr Al Abadi’s life. He eats, sleeps and operates in a musty tent at the foot of the Turkish Restaurant, a towering half-completed building occupied by the protesters for months, until supporters of populist Shiite cleric Moqtada Al Sadr forced them out at the weekend.

On a busy day, the doctor might see dozens of patients, from older people seeking insulin to others with life-threatening gunshot wounds. He has no idea how serious his next case might be.

Into his surgery limps Yousef, 22, a protester who has been unemployed since leaving school. “This is one of my patients,” Dr Al Abadi chuckles. The young man is filthy, with blackened hands from a long afternoon dragging the tyres that protesters set alight to block roads. Yousef lifts his shirt to reveal half a dozen stitches. “They took the bullet out right here,” he says, pointing at one of three filthy beds. Dr Al Abadi shows a video on his phone of him operating on the young man, fishing for the bullet with his instruments.

Tahrir, and squares like it in other cities, have laid bare a generational divide in Iraq. Many of the young people are bitterly disappointed that the older generation never challenged a system they believe has failed them for 17 years – they accuse them of remaining paralysed by the fear ingrained under Saddam Hussein, the dictator toppled in 2003.

Many of their parents, uncles and aunts largely support the idea of change but are petrified by the protests. Many of those in the square are forced to lie, protesting while they should be at work or in college.

As Abdullah Al Jasim, 22, a student, says: “My real enemy is my family, because they don’t believe what I believe. I’ve got the internet, I can travel. They didn’t have those things when they were growing up.”

Dr Al Abadi admits disappointment, even embarrassment, at the fact that more people like him did not make a stand sooner. But now, he’s all in.

“The youth have come out of a womb of suffering. But they insist on creating a new, generous country, with new possibilities and a new history,” he says. “I am not young, but I am supporting them. They are the cornerstone of this revolution”.

There are some who he was unable to help. At the back of his tent hangs a poster of Sajad Salman Ali.

“This is a true Iraqi,” he says, pointing to the portrait of the fresh-faced 16-year-old.

“They aimed at his head”.

He no longer has the energy to fight back tears. Instead, he allows the emotion to pour out, whenever it comes.

Red flags
  • Promises of high, fixed or 'guaranteed' returns.
  • Unregulated structured products or complex investments often used to bypass traditional safeguards.
  • Lack of clear information, vague language, no access to audited financials.
  • Overseas companies targeting investors in other jurisdictions - this can make legal recovery difficult.
  • Hard-selling tactics - creating urgency, offering 'exclusive' deals.

Courtesy: Carol Glynn, founder of Conscious Finance Coaching

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Micro-retirement is not a recognised concept or employment status under Federal Decree Law No. 33 of 2021 on the Regulation of Labour Relations (as amended) (UAE Labour Law). As such, it reflects a voluntary work-life balance practice, rather than a recognised legal employment category, according to Dilini Loku, senior associate for law firm Gateley Middle East.

“Some companies may offer formal sabbatical policies or career break programmes; however, beyond such arrangements, there is no automatic right or statutory entitlement to extended breaks,” she explains.

“Any leave taken beyond statutory entitlements, such as annual leave, is typically regarded as unpaid leave in accordance with Article 33 of the UAE Labour Law. While employees may legally take unpaid leave, such requests are subject to the employer’s discretion and require approval.”

If an employee resigns to pursue micro-retirement, the employment contract is terminated, and the employer is under no legal obligation to rehire the employee in the future unless specific contractual agreements are in place (such as return-to-work arrangements), which are generally uncommon, Ms Loku adds.

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The Hindu festival is at once a celebration of the autumn harvest and the triumph of good over evil, as outlined in the Ramayana.

According to the Sanskrit epic, penned by the sage Valmiki, Diwali marks the time that the exiled king Rama – a mortal with superhuman powers – returned home to the city of Ayodhya with his wife Sita and brother Lakshman, after vanquishing the 10-headed demon Ravana and conquering his kingdom of Lanka. The people of Ayodhya are believed to have lit thousands of earthen lamps to illuminate the city and to guide the royal family home.

In its current iteration, Diwali is celebrated with a puja to welcome the goodness of prosperity Lakshmi (an incarnation of Sita) into the home, which is decorated with diyas (oil lamps) or fairy lights and rangoli designs with coloured powder. Fireworks light up the sky in some parts of the word, and sweetmeats are made (or bought) by most households. It is customary to get new clothes stitched, and visit friends and family to exchange gifts and greetings.  

 

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Building boom turning to bust as Turkey's economy slows

Deep in a provincial region of northwestern Turkey, it looks like a mirage - hundreds of luxury houses built in neat rows, their pointed towers somewhere between French chateau and Disney castle.

Meant to provide luxurious accommodations for foreign buyers, the houses are however standing empty in what is anything but a fairytale for their investors.

The ambitious development has been hit by regional turmoil as well as the slump in the Turkish construction industry - a key sector - as the country's economy heads towards what could be a hard landing in an intensifying downturn.

After a long period of solid growth, Turkey's economy contracted 1.1 per cent in the third quarter, and many economists expect it will enter into recession this year.

The country has been hit by high inflation and a currency crisis in August. The lira lost 28 per cent of its value against the dollar in 2018 and markets are still unconvinced by the readiness of the government under President Recep Tayyip Erdogan to tackle underlying economic issues.

The villas close to the town centre of Mudurnu in the Bolu region are intended to resemble European architecture and are part of the Sarot Group's Burj Al Babas project.

But the development of 732 villas and a shopping centre - which began in 2014 - is now in limbo as Sarot Group has sought bankruptcy protection.

It is one of hundreds of Turkish companies that have done so as they seek cover from creditors and to restructure their debts.

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