Bahrain’s defence relationship with the US is entering a new phase, highlighting a steady expansion of military and strategic ties that date back decades.
Washington designated Bahrain a major non-Nato ally in 2002, cementing a status that has supported closer arms sales, training and interoperability. Manama also hosts the US Navy’s Fifth Fleet, anchoring the American maritime posture in the Gulf. The fleet conducts operations to interdict Iranian weapons smuggling and protect critical waterways around the Arabian Peninsula.
This month, the US State Department approved the potential $500 million sale of four M142 High Mobility Artillery Rocket Systems (Himars) launchers and related gear to Bahrain. The package includes training pods – M28A2 Low-Cost Reduced-Range Practice Rocket Pods – with a 15km range, plus resupply vehicles, command-and-control systems and support.
The Defence Security Co-operation Agency announced the approval, which now awaits Congressional review. The Pentagon said the sale “will not alter the basic military balance in the region”. Based on World Bank figures for 2024, the notional package equals about 1 per cent of Bahrain’s GDP.
The Himars sale was planned, a former Pentagon official told The National. “These things take time, even though Bahrain is a major non-Nato ally,” said the former official. Still, the timing is notable.
Manama appears to be emphasising deterrence after Iran in June launched a ballistic missile strike on Al Udeid Air Base in neighbouring Qatar – the largest US military facility in the Middle East. US officials initially reported there was no impact on the base, but subsequent analysis and Pentagon acknowledgement indicated at least one missile struck a geodesic dome. No casualties were reported.
During the 12-day Israel-Iran war, Iran chose to strike a Gulf country to retaliate against US attacks on its underground nuclear sites. While Tehran described the move as an act of “self defence” and took precautions to avoid civilian harm, the barrage pierced a long-standing regional red line: direct military action against a Gulf state’s territory. The attack was condemned by all Gulf states.
The episode highlighted a vulnerability to long-range attacks and the premium placed on integrated air and missile defence. In that context, rocket artillery training and readiness matter even if range-limited rounds are involved.
“There is desire to acquire deterrent capability, notably in the form of short-range missiles to deter Iran,” Hasan Alhasan, a Manama-based senior fellow for Middle East policy at the International Institute for Strategic Studies in London, told The National. “There is also evidence that Bahrain has in the past shown interest in such capability by acquiring short-range missile systems and the Army Tactical Missile System.”
That is a US-made, surface-to-surface precision-strike missile system capable of hitting targets up to 300km away.
In 2024, Bahrain and Iran signaled a mutual interest in restoring diplomatic ties, after relations had been strained since 2016. The push followed a landmark March 2023 agreement brokered by China, which saw Saudi Arabia and Iran reopen embassies. This progress, though, faced its most serious test in June.
Political dividends in Washington
The purchase also fits the broader political arc. In July, Bahraini Crown Prince Salman bin Hamad Al Khalifa visited Washington, a trip that was regarded as a success in Manama, according to people familiar with the matter.
During the visit, the Crown Prince announced plans to invest more than $17 billion in the US at a meeting with President Donald Trump focused on trade, Iran and regional security issues. One of the agreements signed aimed to advance a peaceful nuclear partnership between Bahrain and the US.
Analysts say the visit showed how defence, economic and energy ties are being expanded in tandem. Its outcome also plays into the fact that the Trump administration places a premium on partners acquiring US defence systems, Mr Alhasan said.
“There's a political dimension involved," he added. "Bahrain sees the emphasis and the value that the Trump administration gives to these kinds of transactions, and this is partly meant to serve that political purpose of reinforcing and strengthening the relationship with the United States."
The former Pentagon official echoed that view, saying: “The transfer is politically important for sustaining the relationship, but it’s not strategically significant or militarily transformative."
Bahrain’s small size and limited territory constrain the operational impact of a handful of Himars launchers. Even though the system is capable, the distance to major regional targets such as Iran means the purchase is largely symbolic.
Staying in step with regional peers
Bahrain has an incentive to remain in step with peers. In the region, only the UAE and Jordan are known to have previously acquired Himars from the US, while Saudi forces have trained on American-owned launchers in-country.
For Manama, acquiring the system is as much about coalition interoperability as it is about prestige. It ensures Bahrain remains aligned with Gulf partners investing in precision arms and integrated command-and-control networks.
“Bahrain remains somewhat on par with some of its Gulf neighbours that have also acquired a range of deterrent capabilities, UAV capabilities and various kinds of missile systems," said Mr Alhasan. "There is a deliberate effort to maintain a degree of parity with their neighbours, irrespective of differences of scale."
Strategically, the move aligns with Washington’s post-2023 effort to formalise and deepen integration with Bahrain. The Comprehensive Security Integration and Prosperity Agreement, signed in September 2023 and brought into force a month later, commits both sides to tighter defence and intelligence co-operation and consultation in crises.
The Himars case is one more brick in that wall: it enhances Bahrain’s ability to plug into US-led coalitions and support American installations on the island.
