Authorities in Afghanistan must address the generation gap that exists in their country or they will never stop the flow of youth into anti-state groups.
This gap, which is an aspect to the conflict in Pakistan as well, is never really addressed by the government or within tribal communities. And as foreign troops plan to withdraw this year, the need to tackle the issue is even more urgent.
A lot of the young people have been strategically focused on by anti-state groups, who had an interest in trying to bring them into their fold. There aren’t many suicide bombers over 20 years old.
Most of the leadership of these militant outfits are in their 30s, if not in their 20s. Commanders of even groups like the Taliban are always in their 20s.
Tribal leadership, politicians, people in government, normally you find them nowhere less than 40, 50, 60, 70 years old. So there is a massive intergenerational gap. Because of strong traditions, particularly in these more conservative parts of Pakistan and Afghanistan, young people are not encouraged to be part of the debate.
When young people want to get a better understanding of events – or learn about what’s happening in the region, why the world is focusing on them, and what do they need to do – tribal elders have been reluctant to help them or allow them to sit down and be part of the debate.
That exclusion is something that leaves the younger generation with lots of questions. That’s when extremist groups with agendas come in and are able to then shape perceptions and interpret events.
So whenever there is a drone strike or whenever something might happen in a particular area, they will always be the first at the scene and be the ones to interpret that event for the young people.
There is no alternative to their control over the narrative. It hasn’t really ever been about having an option A and B. There is no B.
There are very few positive role models on the ground that are trying to establish some kind of space in the public domain for young people.
When you look at this in countries like Afghanistan and Pakistan, where you have 60 per cent of the population under 30, that youth bulge has, unfortunately, only been recognised primarily by groups that have anti-state interests.
I feel that the international community, and also our own countries, have been able to rationalise and pigeonhole issues: by using words like Taliban, by saying anything that is against the state, this is what it constitutes.
I think this is a very simplistic way of looking at something that is quite complex. You cannot see these militants as one homogeneous group.
Will these people vote in Afghanistan’s election on April 5? I think in the Pashtun areas or the tribal areas where you have had more troubles and there hasn’t been the reach of Kabul or the centre, it will be difficult. Mind you, historically, there’s never really been that kind of reach or connection.
There have been times that people in leadership roles or the influence of the state have tried to manipulate things to upset the local balance within a community.
And when that happens the only refuge you have is to go towards the other side. Not because you may have any kind of ideological feeling. It’s just because you want to move forward.
A number of polling stations in these areas have been identified as “sensitive”. Some of the militant groups have said that they will try to disrupt the process. I think as we get closer to the date it will become clearer if they will actively go out and discourage people from voting.
Faiysal AliKhan is the chief executive officer of the Foundation for Integrated Development Action, which works in Pakistan’s tribal areas. He is also a fellow at the New America Foundation, where he is conducting research into Afghanistan’s April 5, 2014 presidential election, along with security and governance issues. Follow him on Twitter: @FaiysalAliKhan
foreign.desk@thenational.ae
