A Baghdad court has sentenced a member of the powerful Kataib Hezbollah militia to 15 years in prison for his role in the kidnapping of American journalist Shelly Rene Kittleson earlier this year, in a ruling that underscores Iraq’s attempt to assert state authority over Iran-backed armed groups.
The Central Criminal Court found the defendant, Amir Rahim Jabbar Lazim, guilty, under Iraq’s Anti-Terrorism Law, of “participating in the kidnapping of the American journalist Shelly Rene Kittleson”.
According to the court ruling, which was issued on Sunday and published on Monday, Mr Lazim provided and drove the vehicle used in the abduction of Ms Kittleson in Baghdad on March 31. He was detained soon afterwards.
The pro-Tehran armed group Kataib Hezbollah announced that it had released Ms Kittleson on April 7, and accused her of co-operating with the US to gather information against armed factions.
Ms Kittleson has reported extensively on Iraq, Syria, and the wider Middle East region for more than two decades. Based in Baghdad for many years, she has contributed to outlets including Al Monitor, The Christian Science Monitor, and France 24.
Security officials confirmed to The National that she was freed in exchange for the release of Kataib Hezbollah members in government custody. They did not divulge further details.
In a separate case, the Central Criminal Court on Monday sentenced two men to 15 years in prison under the Anti-Terrorism Law for rocket attacks on diplomatic missions in Baghdad's heavily fortified Green Zone.
The court found Karrar Hashim Falih Shaheen and Abbas Sattar Karim Hussein guilty of participating in rocket fire that struck the Green Zone on March 7, including the US embassy compound. They were arrested on March 27, according to the court ruling.
The verdict is among the first to name and convict people for rocket attacks on the Green Zone, particularly the US embassy, which have been a persistent source of tension between the Iraqi government and Washington. Although these have been widely blamed on Iran-backed militias, the court ruling did not mention whether the two men were affiliated with any armed group.
The 15-year sentence is one of the heavier penalties applicable under the Anti-Terrorism Law, reflecting how seriously Iraq is treating crimes linked to militias.
The convictions come as Baghdad faces mounting pressure from the US and Gulf countries to bring Iran-backed armed factions under state control.
Prime Minister Ali Al Zaidi’s government has set a deadline of September 30 for non-state actors to surrender their weapons, coinciding with the deadline for the withdrawal of US and other foreign forces present in Iraq as part of the global anti-ISIS coalition.
Government officials have in recent weeks repeated that any weapons held outside the framework of the state institutions would not be permitted, while also acknowledging the role played by militias in fighting ISIS.
The Co-ordination Framework, the largest Shiite parliamentary group, has formed a special committee to negotiate with these factions on integrating into state forces or regulating their weapons.
Kataib Hezbollah, one of the most prominent Iran-backed groups operating in Iraq, has rejected the government deadline to hand over its weapons. The group is designated a terrorist organisation by the United States.
US officials have blamed Kataib Hezbollah and other Iran-backed factions for drone and rocket attacks on American bases in Iraq and Syria, and for attacks on regional infrastructure since the start of the Iran war on February 28.
For Iraq, prosecuting a Kataib Hezbollah member in a civilian court for a crime against a US citizen sends two signals. Domestically, it is meant to show that the state, not the factions, holds the monopoly on force and justice. Internationally, it is meant to demonstrate to Washington that Iraq is willing to stop such groups from acting with impunity.
However, many of these militias are part of the Popular Mobilisation Forces, which are considered part of the state security forces that are formally under the Prime Minister, as commander-in-chief of Iraq's armed forces, although they often operate independently.
Many militia leaders and members also hold political posts, and previous attempts to arrest or prosecute militia members have stalled due to political pressure or security concerns.
