Egypt likes to think of its place in the Arab world as that of a big brother with serious muscle, while also projecting an image of a powerhouse that has a knack for negotiating with all.
It is those credentials, say Egyptian analysts and sources, that have enabled Cairo's unlikely position of supporting regional allies in fending off Iranian missile and drone attacks, while persuading Tehran to negotiate.
Egypt's balancing act becomes even more complicated when its government issues one statement after another strongly condemning Iranian attacks on its Gulf allies, and which draw no response from Tehran.
Last week, President Sheikh Mohamed and Egyptian President Abdel Fattah El Sisi visited the Egyptian fighter jet unit in the UAE, Cairo's close ally and major economic benefactor. Since the Iran war broke out in late February, he has made two tours of Gulf Arab nations, including the UAE.
“Egypt's position is one of balance but it's not neutral,” said Samir Ragheb, a retired Egyptian army general who has become a strategic and military analyst with views reflecting the government's thinking.
“Egypt stands with its brothers in the Gulf, and that's not a tactical position,” he said. “In the meantime, it works to prevent the region from sliding into a costly military confrontation with heavy sectarian undertones that will be costly to its Arab allies and hurt its own economy.”
Egypt, with its mostly Sunni population, and predominantly Shiite Iran have in recent years started to thaw relations after decades of tension, but have yet to restore full diplomatic ties, a position analysts interpret as a nod to Cairo's Gulf Arab allies, who have long-standing differences with Iran.
Sources in Cairo said Egypt has since sought to influence Iran's policies in the region, which are seen widely as meddling and disruptive, chiefly its sponsorship of militant groups such as Hezbollah in Lebanon and the Houthis in Yemen.
The sources added that these groups should not be forcibly disarmed but rather integrated into the state structures of their respective nations.
Egypt sees Iran as a major asset in its own efforts to stymie the rapidly spreading influence of Israel, which has since 2023 been using its military might to reshape the region to its advantage, taking military action against Iran, its sworn enemy, as well as in Syria, Lebanon, Yemen and Gaza.
“The number-one enemy in the Egyptian military doctrine is Israel and that constitutes a strong bond between Cairo and Tehran,” said one of the sources.
Egypt and Israel have been bound by a US-brokered peace treaty since 1979. That accord ended decades of hostilities during which the nations fought four fully fledged wars between 1948 and 1973. However, their relations have traditionally been branded as “cold peace”.
Relations plunged to their lowest level over the Gaza war, with Cairo accusing Israel of genocide and of starving the territory's Palestinians. Israel denies such charges.
Occasionally, right-wing Israeli politicians and aligned news outlets accuse Egypt - whose army is rated the region's largest - of breaching the provisions of the peace treaty or preparing to go to war against Israel. Mr El Sisi has indirectly responded to these claims, repeatedly stating a commitment to peace as Egypt's strategic choice.
Egypt's unique position of being a strategic US ally while maintaining channels of communications with Israel, Iran and Hamas has benefited Cairo on several levels. It has enabled it to assume a high profile globally as a key mediator in the October 2025 ceasefire in Gaza that paused two years of war. It has also played a discreet role in a Pakistan-led mediation effort to stop the Iran war.
Its relations with Iran specifically may have meant that Tehran's proteges in Yemen – the Houthis – were allegedly persuaded not to make good on threats early in the Iran war to close the Bab Al Mandeb, the Red Sea's southern gateway.
Had they done that, most shipping in the strategic waterway would have come to a halt, with cash-strapped Egypt losing billions of dollars in Suez Canal transit fees.
But Egypt's balancing act is not so apparent to some, such as Megahed El Zayat, a prominent Egyptian analyst and academic adviser to the Egyptian Centre for Thought and Strategic Studies think tank.
“There is no question of balance in Egypt's approach to the Gulf,” he said. “The priority is to our brothers in the Gulf because that region is a main component of the Egyptian and Arab national security.
“The comprehensive Arab-Iranian reconciliation that some say Egypt is trying to achieve is not on the table. That can only be discussed after negotiations reach a deal that ends the war. That deal, if reached, will determine the situation in the entire region,” he added.
