Iran-backed factions in Iraq are in discussions with the government about their future roles within the security apparatus, including possible disarmament, sources told The National on Monday.
A commander of an Iran-backed armed faction said several groups have agreed to disarm and join the political process as the Iraqi government is engaging in talks with them. “The discussions are still under way, and several armed factions have agreed to disarm and join the political process,” the commander told The National.
But a source close to the Popular Mobilisation Forces (PMF) said there was an exaggeration in the portrayal of developments related to the fate of the armed factions, and said that discussions and measures have been continuing for months, even before US President Donald Trump's arrival.
An Iraqi political source said reports of armed groups withdrawing from their headquarters were inaccurate but confirmed there was pressure on the Iraqi government, and in turn, pressure from Iraqi Prime Minister Mohammed Shia Al Sudani on the groups.
According to the commander, the groups that expressed their readiness to engage in the process include Asaib Ahl Al Haq, Kataib Sayyed Al Shuhada, Kataib Imam Ali, Kataib Jund Al Imam and Ansarullah Al Awfiyaa. AAH is one of the main backers of the government of Prime Minster Mohammed Shia Al Sudani and members hold senior government positions, while Kataib Jund Al Imam is led by the Minister of Labour and Social Affairs. “Both will join forces with the Prime Minister in the coming national elections” slated for late this year, he said.
Other powerful groups such as Kataib Hezbollah, Al Nujaba Movement and Al Waad Al Sadiq Corps “reject laying down their weapons with the presence of the [US] occupation on the nation’s soil”, he added.
Explainer: Who are the main Iran-backed militias in Iraq?
These groups are affiliated with the PMF but operate outside it and do not follow the commander's orders. Acting within the “Axis of Resistance” – an Iran-backed umbrella group for militias in the region – they had sent fighters to Syria and launched attacks against US troops in Iraq and Syria.
"All factions are ready to disarm on condition that all foreign troops, whether US or Turkish, leave the country,” he said.
The PMF source said the organisation and the factions under its umbrella were ultimately under the authority of the Prime Minister and added that all previous governments, since the formation of the PMF by decision of the Shiite religious authority, have been subject to pressure to restrict arms to the state.
The continuing discussions are related to organising and restructuring state affairs, the source added. Among the changes taking place are the redistribution and deployment of forces in line with security challenges, such as the deployment of additional forces, for example, near the border with Syria following recent events there, as well as the strengthening of the presence of forces affiliated with the Ministry of Interior.
Two weeks earlier, sources told The National that IRGC commander Esmail Qaani visited Iraq to convey the message of de-escalation to proxy groups in Iraq after the Gaza ceasefire fell apart last month. “The message he carried was to confirm understanding of Iraq's position regarding the truce between Iraqi factions and the US troops in Iraq,” said an Iraqi source close to the main umbrella of militant groups at the time. “He expressed support for it and wanted to ensure it’s still in place.”
The development comes as Tehran and Washington lay the groundwork for potential landmark negotiations over Iran’s nuclear programme, its regional role and its support for non-state armed groups heavily weakened following the war with Israel.
An unannounced truce that involved Tehran and the Iraqi government in February last year halted the militias' attacks against US troops in the Middle East. However, as the war in Gaza continued, attacks resumed for a short time before the truce was restored.
Iran's regional proxy network has come under unprecedented pressure since the war in Gaza, with leaders and officials being removed in targeted Israeli attacks over the past year. But Iran-backed groups in Iraq have so far remained on the sidelines of the violence that has engulfed other groups such as Hezbollah and Hamas. Amid this backdrop, Mr Trump appears to be seeking to capitalise on what seems to be Iran’s weakened position and reopen the door to a potential comprehensive agreement that would address not only Iran’s nuclear activities but also its regional influence and support for armed groups.
One of Iran’s key remaining pressure points is Yemen, where the Houthi rebels, also known as Ansar Allah, have resumed attacks on ships in the Red Sea, drawing a renewed US bombing campaign in response.
Early in March, Mr Trump said he had sent a letter to Iranian leadership expressing a desire to reopen negotiations. Iran responded by saying that no negotiations could take place as long as the US continued its maximum-pressure campaign.
Mr Trump has insisted on direct negotiations while Iran has remained firm on its stance that it will only engage in indirect talks.
In 2015, world powers, including the US, signed a deal with Iran putting limits on its nuclear programme in exchange for sanctions relief. Mr Trump withdrew the US from the deal during his first term and instituted a “maximum pressure” economic campaign against Iran, which he reinstated when he returned to office this year.
Mohamad Ali Harisi also contributed to this report
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Translated by Arunava Sinha
Tilted Axis Press
Who's who in Yemen conflict
Houthis: Iran-backed rebels who occupy Sanaa and run unrecognised government
Yemeni government: Exiled government in Aden led by eight-member Presidential Leadership Council
Southern Transitional Council: Faction in Yemeni government that seeks autonomy for the south
Habrish 'rebels': Tribal-backed forces feuding with STC over control of oil in government territory
Killing of Qassem Suleimani
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Mercer, the investment consulting arm of US services company Marsh & McLennan, expects its wealth division to at least double its assets under management (AUM) in the Middle East as wealth in the region continues to grow despite economic headwinds, a company official said.
Mercer Wealth, which globally has $160 billion in AUM, plans to boost its AUM in the region to $2-$3bn in the next 2-3 years from the present $1bn, said Yasir AbuShaban, a Dubai-based principal with Mercer Wealth.
“Within the next two to three years, we are looking at reaching $2 to $3 billion as a conservative estimate and we do see an opportunity to do so,” said Mr AbuShaban.
Mercer does not directly make investments, but allocates clients’ money they have discretion to, to professional asset managers. They also provide advice to clients.
“We have buying power. We can negotiate on their (client’s) behalf with asset managers to provide them lower fees than they otherwise would have to get on their own,” he added.
Mercer Wealth’s clients include sovereign wealth funds, family offices, and insurance companies among others.
From its office in Dubai, Mercer also looks after Africa, India and Turkey, where they also see opportunity for growth.
Wealth creation in Middle East and Africa (MEA) grew 8.5 per cent to $8.1 trillion last year from $7.5tn in 2015, higher than last year’s global average of 6 per cent and the second-highest growth in a region after Asia-Pacific which grew 9.9 per cent, according to consultancy Boston Consulting Group (BCG). In the region, where wealth grew just 1.9 per cent in 2015 compared with 2014, a pickup in oil prices has helped in wealth generation.
BCG is forecasting MEA wealth will rise to $12tn by 2021, growing at an annual average of 8 per cent.
Drivers of wealth generation in the region will be split evenly between new wealth creation and growth of performance of existing assets, according to BCG.
Another general trend in the region is clients’ looking for a comprehensive approach to investing, according to Mr AbuShaban.
“Institutional investors or some of the families are seeing a slowdown in the available capital they have to invest and in that sense they are looking at optimizing the way they manage their portfolios and making sure they are not investing haphazardly and different parts of their investment are working together,” said Mr AbuShaban.
Some clients also have a higher appetite for risk, given the low interest-rate environment that does not provide enough yield for some institutional investors. These clients are keen to invest in illiquid assets, such as private equity and infrastructure.
“What we have seen is a desire for higher returns in what has been a low-return environment specifically in various fixed income or bonds,” he said.
“In this environment, we have seen a de facto increase in the risk that clients are taking in things like illiquid investments, private equity investments, infrastructure and private debt, those kind of investments were higher illiquidity results in incrementally higher returns.”
The Abu Dhabi Investment Authority, one of the largest sovereign wealth funds, said in its 2016 report that has gradually increased its exposure in direct private equity and private credit transactions, mainly in Asian markets and especially in China and India. The authority’s private equity department focused on structured equities owing to “their defensive characteristics.”
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