The Iran war and Tehran’s attacks on its neighbours have pushed most parts of the Gulf towards a more assertive defence posture in dealing with the Islamic republic, after years of prioritising engagement.
Gulf officials have made clear that diplomacy remains the preferred way to deal with Iran. But they have also advanced collective defence plans, including a joint missile warning system, alongside individual military capabilities to ensure long-term deterrence against an increasingly aggressive neighbour.
Countries across the Gulf have repeatedly said they were not party to the conflict and had actively worked to avoid it. At the same time, they have stressed their right to self-defence and to respond to hostile acts.
On Sunday, the UAE said that it "will not tolerate any threat to its security and sovereignty under any circumstances", and that it reserves its "full, sovereign, legitimate, diplomatic, and military rights to respond to any threats, allegations, or hostilities ... in accordance with international law".
The Ministry of Foreign Affairs's statement came after a terrorist attack hit an electricity generator outside the inner perimeter of the Barakah Nuclear Power Plant in Al Dhafra region, carried out by a drone that entered the country’s territory from the western border direction. While the attack was thwarted without causing any injuries and did not have any impact on radiation safety levels, it was a significant escalation. Hours later, Saudi Arabia announced it had intercepted three drones launched from Iraq.
Reports have circulated in recent days claiming that Saudi Arabia and the UAE carried out unreported attacks against Iran in retaliation for Tehran's strikes on the kingdom and across the Emirates during the war. The UAE has said that when it does something, it announces it, while Saudi Arabia has not commented on the claims.
On Saturday, the UAE's Minister of Foreign Affairs stressed that all measures undertaken by the country have been "within the framework of defensive actions aimed at protecting its sovereignty, civilians, and vital infrastructure, in line with the country’s legitimate right to safeguard its national security and maintain its stability".
Iran attacked all six Gulf neighbours with drones and missiles in response to US and Israeli air strikes in February. Tehran claimed it was only aiming at US military bases and interests in the Gulf, but its attacks have targeted numerous civilian areas, including key energy infrastructure, airports, hotels and other installations.
Iran has effectively blockaded the Strait of Hormuz, a vital artery for global oil trade, since the start of the war, disrupting shipping and energy supplies, causing fuel shortages and raising international concerns about inflation and wider economic fallout.
Gulf states have also been the target of internal security threats linked to Iran and its Lebanese ally Hezbollah, with authorities dismantling dozens of cells in Kuwait, Bahrain, the UAE and Qatar in the past few weeks.
Among the reports circulating was one by Reuters, saying that Saudi fighter jets bombed targets linked to powerful Iran-aligned militias in Iraq during the war, while retaliatory strikes were also allegedly launched from Kuwait into Iraq.
The alleged strikes are seen as part of a broader pattern of unconfirmed military responses that have intensified debate over whether some Gulf states are recalibrating a long-standing defence doctrine centred on deterrence and diplomacy to one that may also include limited direct force projection.
A source close to an Iran-aligned militia in Iraq said the group did not “detect any attacks from the Saudi side against Iraq”.
An Iraqi security official claimed an April 8 missile attack on Basra originated from Kuwait, but added that it remained unclear who fired the missiles. The attack killed at least three people and wounded five others, sparking an assault on the Kuwaiti consulate in Basra. Iraq’s Foreign Ministry later said the strike had been “launched from the territory of a neighbouring country”.
'Aggressive Iran'
Tehran has accused Gulf neighbours, publicly or privately, of being part of the conflict because they host American military bases. Gulf officials stress it is their sovereign decision on who to host or have ties with, while ensuring these bases were not used to launch the initial attack on Iran and the Gulf countries made clear they were not part of the war. Gulf officials have continued to stress publicly that they favour diplomatic solutions and regional de-escalation.
Observers say this balancing act reflects a broader Gulf calculation: regional leaders want to ensure that Iran can no longer threaten their sovereignty, critical infrastructure or global trade routes, while also avoiding a prolonged war that could weaken the region’s economies and stability.
The UAE has been among the clearest in articulating that Iran’s power-projection capabilities must be addressed. Emirati officials and analysts have reiterated throughout the conflict that Tehran’s ability to threaten Gulf states through missiles, drones, proxy networks, maritime disruption and coercive leverage over the Strait of Hormuz can no longer stay unchecked. A number of countries, including Bahrain and Kuwait, appear broadly aligned with that position.
In his most recent remarks on Tuesday, Dr Anwar Gargash, diplomatic adviser to UAE President Sheikh Mohamed, addressed the "confusion of roles" that has emerged at a time of ongoing efforts to reach an agreement between the US and Iran. "In this most perilous phase in modern Gulf history, amid this treacherous aggression, the grey position remains more dangerous than outright inaction," he said of the blurred lines between "the roles of victim and mediator."
Abdulkhaleq Abdulla, an Emirati academic and commentator, said "there's an aggressive Iran around us."
"So we should be ready for every single eventuality. That’s what the UAE is focused on – whether it is in the realm of defence or offence.
"The UAE has proven that it is ready militarily from day one. It took Iranian threats seriously and has shown that it is not as vulnerable as Iran thought," added Mr Abdulla.
Dr Gargash said last Wednesday that the Emirates "reaffirms the importance of the political solution and the negotiating path".
In a post on X, he wrote that the UAE worked to avoid this war and that "Arab-Iranian relations in the Gulf cannot be built on confrontations and conflicts, in a region whose peoples are bound by deep-rooted geographical and historical ties". Iran containment "failed miserably", Dr Gargash said last month.
Saudi Arabia has also issued stern warnings to Iran and condemned its behaviour, while seeking to preserve diplomatic channels with Tehran. In March, Saudi Foreign Minister Prince Faisal bin Farhan condemned the Iranian attacks and said the kingdom "reserved the right" to take military action in response. He also warned Tehran that "what little trust there was before has completely been shattered."
Saudi and Iranian foreign ministers have held several calls since a fragile ceasefire with Iran came into effect in April. Qatar and the UAE have also kept communication channels open, including a number of high-level calls.
During a consultative summit of the Gulf Co-operation Council in the Saudi port city of Jeddah late last month, Gulf leaders called for the "accelerated" completion of a joint missile warning system for the region. They also called for "expediting" new oil, gas and water projects.
The meeting marked one of the clearest collective Gulf stances since the war began. Oman, historically the GCC state closest to Tehran and among the least affected by the conflict, did not attend the meeting.
Whether that rhetoric ultimately translates into a more integrated and muscular Gulf security architecture remains to be seen. But the war has accelerated a strategic reassessment across the region.
In its Saturday statement, UAE's Mofa underscored that the country continues its close co-ordination and consultation with member states of the GCC, alongside regional and international partners, "in support of regional security and stability and to further strengthen joint Gulf cooperation".
For years, Gulf states largely sought to insulate themselves from direct confrontation with Iran through diplomacy, economic pragmatism and reliance on US security guarantees.
The latest war, however, has forced a reconsideration of that approach and a growing willingness among some Gulf capitals to signal that attacks on their territory or economies will draw harsh responses.
