Members of the Palestinian Islamic Jihad parade through the streets of Gaza City on Januray 5, 2021. AFP
Members of the Palestinian Islamic Jihad parade through the streets of Gaza City on Januray 5, 2021. AFP
Members of the Palestinian Islamic Jihad parade through the streets of Gaza City on Januray 5, 2021. AFP
Members of the Palestinian Islamic Jihad parade through the streets of Gaza City on Januray 5, 2021. AFP

Who are Hamas's allies in Gaza? From Islamic Jihad to Marxist militants


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Since the surprise attack by Hamas on southern Israel on October 7 that killed about 1,200 people, the world’s attention has been on the brutal fight between the group and the Israeli army in Gaza.

Israel’s retaliation with the stated aim of "wiping out" Hamas has left a trail of devastation, killing at least 11,000 Palestinians.

But while Hamas makes headlines, the group has at least 11 local allies fighting alongside it.

The most well known of these is Palestinian Islamic Jihad – formed with Iranian backing in 1981, six years before Hamas, which emerged out of the Muslim Brotherhood.

Both PIJ and Hamas, through their military wings the Al Quds Brigades and Al Qassam Brigades respectively, are now well equipped with Iranian weapons, having also received military advice from Tehran.

Hamas is by far the strongest group, with anywhere between 25,000 and 40,000 fighters, but some of their junior partners are considered more militant, particularly the PIJ.

Joint Operations Room

Since 2018, factions have co-ordinated through a Joint Operations Room that brings together groups with varying influences.

These range from Islamist groups such as Hamas and PIJ to the Marxist Popular Front for the Liberation of Palestine and its militant wing, the Abu Ali Mustafa Brigades. They include one of Hamas's rivals, the Al Aqsa Martyrs' Brigades, previously linked to Fatah, the dominant faction in the Palestinian Authority.

"Each of the Palestinian factions has its own history: a historical context in which it was born, mentors and an ideological project for building the Palestine of tomorrow: nationalist, Marxist, Islamist," said Pierre Boussel, associate fellow at France's Fondation pour la Recherche Strategique.

Despite tactical differences, the Joint Operations Room is an attempt to bring these factions together, for what Mr Boussel described as "their shared goal of creating a Palestinian state with Jerusalem as its capital."

Hamas usually leads the operation, although sometimes PIJ takes a leading role, said Jordanian political commentator Hazem Ayyad.

As for the smaller factions, "Aqsa Martyrs' Brigades and Abu Ali Mustafa Brigades have similar weight in the Joint Operations Room, less for the Democratic Front,” Mr Ayyad told The National.

Militants from different backgrounds also co-ordinate through Popular Resistance Committees and its armed wing, the Al Nasser Al Salah al din Brigades, comprised of former members of Al Aqsa Martyrs' Brigades and the PFLP who co-ordinate closely with Hamas.

Here are some of the main groups currently fighting against Israeli forces in Gaza.

Palestinian Islamic Jihad

PIJ and its armed wing the Al Quds Brigades is seen as more directly an Iranian proxy group than Hamas, which has links to Tehran but has broken with it on key issues.

The war in Syria highlighted this difference. PIJ maintained ties with Iran's ally the Syrian regime throughout the war, while Hamas closed its office in Damascus between 2012 and 2022 in opposition to President Bashar Al Assad’s violent crackdown on rebel groups.

PIJ led operations in the August 2022 Gaza war, firing about 1,000 rockets from its arsenal over several days of fighting.

Those weapons were thought by some analysts to rival Hamas’s own rocket arsenal, including long-range rockets capable of hitting Israeli cities 120km from Gaza.

According to Mr Ayyad, PIJ has “its own military and political decision making independent of Hamas, but at the same time is more dependent on Iran and does not have as deep roots in Gaza as Hamas".

"Lately almost everyone has been gravitating towards Hamas, even the leftists," he says.

A member of the Palestinian Islamic Jihad militant group walks in a tunnel in the Gaza strip, on April 17, 2022, during a media tour. AFP
A member of the Palestinian Islamic Jihad militant group walks in a tunnel in the Gaza strip, on April 17, 2022, during a media tour. AFP

Al Aqsa Martyrs' Brigades

The group is a coalition of militias linked to Fatah, the dominant faction in the Palestinian Authority, which rules the occupied West Bank.

The brigades emerged in the early 2000s in the Second Intifada, the bloody uprising against Israeli occupation.

While it claims to be fighting in Gaza alongside Hamas, its historic base of operations is the occupied West Bank, and it has a turbulent relationship with Hamas.

The group has been accused of receiving covert funding from Fatah, as well as playing a role on their governing council.

Fatah fought a war against Hamas in 2006-2007, in which some of the brigades' members were said to have fought on the side of Fatah. One of their commanders, Samih Al Madhoun, was allegedly assassinated by Hamas’s Al Qassam Brigades in the Nuseirat refugee camp.

Around that time, according to a report by the Council on Foreign Relations, the Palestinian Authority decided to rein in the Al Aqsa Martyrs' Brigades' activities, arresting several of its commanders.

A fighter from the Al Aqsa Martyrs' Brigades, a militant group linked to the Palestinian Fatah movement, walks on November 15, 2023, with mourners in a funeral procession in Tulkarem in the occupied West Bank. AFP
A fighter from the Al Aqsa Martyrs' Brigades, a militant group linked to the Palestinian Fatah movement, walks on November 15, 2023, with mourners in a funeral procession in Tulkarem in the occupied West Bank. AFP

Popular Front for the Liberation of Palestine

The Marxist group was formed in the late 1960s by George Habash, a former doctor whose sister was killed during the 1948 Arab-Israeli war.

It military wing, the Abu Ali Mustafa Brigades, named its armed wing after Abu Ali Mustafa, Habash’s successor, who was assassinated in 2001.

Formerly a part of the Palestinian Liberation Organisation, the hardline nationalist and socialist group made world headlines in 1976 when it hijacked an Air France jet with 248 passengers on board, mostly Israelis, and flew it to Entebbe in Uganda.

Israeli commandos later rescued all but three of the hostages, losing one commando in the process, Yoni Netanyahu – Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu’s brother.

The hijacking was joined by German communist terrorist group the Revolutionary Cells, a similar group to the Red Army Faction, better known as the Baader–Meinhof Group, who also worked with PFLP.

At the time, the PFLP sought backing from Communist states, but enjoyed limited success in this goal and spent years in the political wilderness after the collapse of the Soviet Union in 1991.

Palestinian students supporting the Popular Front for the Liberation of Palestine (PFLP) lift flags of the movement and placards at Birzeit University on the outskirts of Ramallah in the occupied West Bank, on May 17, 2022. The placard on the right depicts the late founder of the PFLP George Habash. AFP
Palestinian students supporting the Popular Front for the Liberation of Palestine (PFLP) lift flags of the movement and placards at Birzeit University on the outskirts of Ramallah in the occupied West Bank, on May 17, 2022. The placard on the right depicts the late founder of the PFLP George Habash. AFP

Ahmed Saadat, the group’s political leader, and two of his colleagues enjoyed electoral success in the 2006 Palestinian elections, but the group has struggled to obtain a leading position among anti-Israeli groups.

The PFLP splintered shortly after its founding, with the PLFP-General Command forming in opposition to the Marxist origins of the group. The latter backed President Bashar Al Assad during the Syrian civil war, when the Syrian Palestinian community became divided over support for Damascus and an almost nationwide revolt.

“The PFLP-GC appears to me more active in Syria now, and may have participated in sporadic recent rocket attacks against Israeli targets in the Golan,” Mr Ayyad says.

A Palestinian youth carries a PLFP flag during clashes with Israeli troops at the northern entrance of the West Bank city of Ramallah. AFP
A Palestinian youth carries a PLFP flag during clashes with Israeli troops at the northern entrance of the West Bank city of Ramallah. AFP

Postwar divisions?

The proliferation of so many factions could complicate efforts to stabilise Gaza after the war, experts say.

“There is certainly the possibility that Gaza will fracture politically. Assuming the Israelis are successful, Hamas – as an organisation – will be shattered,” says Raphael Cohen, an expert on the war in Gaza with the US Rand think tank.

“But the Palestinian Authority already struggles with legitimacy. And then there are the smaller groups already in Gaza (PIJ, for example). I can also imagine new groups springing up, especially if the operation leaves a power vacuum,” he says.

“All in all, it’s not going to be as simple as turning over the keys to a Palestinian group once the operation is over. It’s going to be far messier, unfortunately.”

Our legal columnist

Name: Yousef Al Bahar

Advocate at Al Bahar & Associate Advocates and Legal Consultants, established in 1994

Education: Mr Al Bahar was born in 1979 and graduated in 2008 from the Judicial Institute. He took after his father, who was one of the first Emirati lawyers

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Sinopharm vaccine explained

The Sinopharm vaccine was created using techniques that have been around for decades. 

“This is an inactivated vaccine. Simply what it means is that the virus is taken, cultured and inactivated," said Dr Nawal Al Kaabi, chair of the UAE's National Covid-19 Clinical Management Committee.

"What is left is a skeleton of the virus so it looks like a virus, but it is not live."

This is then injected into the body.

"The body will recognise it and form antibodies but because it is inactive, we will need more than one dose. The body will not develop immunity with one dose," she said.

"You have to be exposed more than one time to what we call the antigen."

The vaccine should offer protection for at least months, but no one knows how long beyond that.

Dr Al Kaabi said early vaccine volunteers in China were given shots last spring and still have antibodies today.

“Since it is inactivated, it will not last forever," she said.

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Key figures in the life of the fort

Sheikh Dhiyab bin Isa (ruled 1761-1793) Built Qasr Al Hosn as a watchtower to guard over the only freshwater well on Abu Dhabi island.

Sheikh Shakhbut bin Dhiyab (ruled 1793-1816) Expanded the tower into a small fort and transferred his ruling place of residence from Liwa Oasis to the fort on the island.

Sheikh Tahnoon bin Shakhbut (ruled 1818-1833) Expanded Qasr Al Hosn further as Abu Dhabi grew from a small village of palm huts to a town of more than 5,000 inhabitants.

Sheikh Khalifa bin Shakhbut (ruled 1833-1845) Repaired and fortified the fort.

Sheikh Saeed bin Tahnoon (ruled 1845-1855) Turned Qasr Al Hosn into a strong two-storied structure.

Sheikh Zayed bin Khalifa (ruled 1855-1909) Expanded Qasr Al Hosn further to reflect the emirate's increasing prominence.

Sheikh Shakhbut bin Sultan (ruled 1928-1966) Renovated and enlarged Qasr Al Hosn, adding a decorative arch and two new villas.

Sheikh Zayed bin Sultan (ruled 1966-2004) Moved the royal residence to Al Manhal palace and kept his diwan at Qasr Al Hosn.

Sources: Jayanti Maitra, www.adach.ae

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The National Archives, Abu Dhabi

Founded over 50 years ago, the National Archives collects valuable historical material relating to the UAE, and is the oldest and richest archive relating to the Arabian Gulf.

Much of the material can be viewed on line at the Arabian Gulf Digital Archive - https://www.agda.ae/en

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Mercer, the investment consulting arm of US services company Marsh & McLennan, expects its wealth division to at least double its assets under management (AUM) in the Middle East as wealth in the region continues to grow despite economic headwinds, a company official said.

Mercer Wealth, which globally has $160 billion in AUM, plans to boost its AUM in the region to $2-$3bn in the next 2-3 years from the present $1bn, said Yasir AbuShaban, a Dubai-based principal with Mercer Wealth.

Within the next two to three years, we are looking at reaching $2 to $3 billion as a conservative estimate and we do see an opportunity to do so,” said Mr AbuShaban.

Mercer does not directly make investments, but allocates clients’ money they have discretion to, to professional asset managers. They also provide advice to clients.

“We have buying power. We can negotiate on their (client’s) behalf with asset managers to provide them lower fees than they otherwise would have to get on their own,” he added.

Mercer Wealth’s clients include sovereign wealth funds, family offices, and insurance companies among others.

From its office in Dubai, Mercer also looks after Africa, India and Turkey, where they also see opportunity for growth.

Wealth creation in Middle East and Africa (MEA) grew 8.5 per cent to $8.1 trillion last year from $7.5tn in 2015, higher than last year’s global average of 6 per cent and the second-highest growth in a region after Asia-Pacific which grew 9.9 per cent, according to consultancy Boston Consulting Group (BCG). In the region, where wealth grew just 1.9 per cent in 2015 compared with 2014, a pickup in oil prices has helped in wealth generation.

BCG is forecasting MEA wealth will rise to $12tn by 2021, growing at an annual average of 8 per cent.

Drivers of wealth generation in the region will be split evenly between new wealth creation and growth of performance of existing assets, according to BCG.

Another general trend in the region is clients’ looking for a comprehensive approach to investing, according to Mr AbuShaban.

“Institutional investors or some of the families are seeing a slowdown in the available capital they have to invest and in that sense they are looking at optimizing the way they manage their portfolios and making sure they are not investing haphazardly and different parts of their investment are working together,” said Mr AbuShaban.

Some clients also have a higher appetite for risk, given the low interest-rate environment that does not provide enough yield for some institutional investors. These clients are keen to invest in illiquid assets, such as private equity and infrastructure.

“What we have seen is a desire for higher returns in what has been a low-return environment specifically in various fixed income or bonds,” he said.

“In this environment, we have seen a de facto increase in the risk that clients are taking in things like illiquid investments, private equity investments, infrastructure and private debt, those kind of investments were higher illiquidity results in incrementally higher returns.”

The Abu Dhabi Investment Authority, one of the largest sovereign wealth funds, said in its 2016 report that has gradually increased its exposure in direct private equity and private credit transactions, mainly in Asian markets and especially in China and India. The authority’s private equity department focused on structured equities owing to “their defensive characteristics.”

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The biog

Age: 19 

Profession: medical student at UAE university 

Favourite book: The Ocean at The End of The Lane by Neil Gaiman

Role model: Parents, followed by Fazza (Shiekh Hamdan bin Mohammed)

Favourite poet: Edger Allen Poe 

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Starring: Judi Dench, Sophie Cookson, Tereza Srbova

Rating: 3/5 stars

 

 

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While you're here

Like a Fading Shadow

Antonio Muñoz Molina

Translated from the Spanish by Camilo A. Ramirez

Tuskar Rock Press (pp. 310)

Abaya trends

The utilitarian robe held dear by Arab women is undergoing a change that reveals it as an elegant and graceful garment available in a range of colours and fabrics, while retaining its traditional appeal.

Updated: November 15, 2023, 2:56 PM