As the battle for Sanaa grows closer, will the Houthis and rebel army units think about what's good for most Yemenis? Yahya Arhab / EPA
As the battle for Sanaa grows closer, will the Houthis and rebel army units think about what's good for most Yemenis? Yahya Arhab / EPA
As the battle for Sanaa grows closer, will the Houthis and rebel army units think about what's good for most Yemenis? Yahya Arhab / EPA
As the battle for Sanaa grows closer, will the Houthis and rebel army units think about what's good for most Yemenis? Yahya Arhab / EPA

The region’s conflicts require ‘unprecedented’ cooperation


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The tragic loss of 60 soldiers from the UAE, Saudi Arabia and Bahrain in Yemen last week came to confirm, beyond any doubt, the commitment on the part of the Saudi-led GCC forces to stand united against the common threat in the region, Saudi columnist Abdulrahman Al Rashed said in the London-based daily Asharq Al Awsat.

“The importance of GCC military and political cooperation lies not merely in winning wars, but rather in entrenching the concept of deterrence,” he noted.

“Forces, when joined, can exact a more hefty cost from the enemy.”

Chaos has been a prevailing condition in many parts of the Arab region since 2011. It is expected to continue unabated for the next few years, resulting in more threats to countries in the region, which is why cooperation between the Gulf states is of the essence to prevent foreign interference in their internal affairs and disorder spilling into their territories.

Sudden shifts and developments in the region after the collapses that followed the revolutions that swept across the Arab world in the last few years have practically abolished official borders in the landscape and generally accepted rules of engagement are no longer relevant.

Countries in this region no longer have the luxury of dissociating themselves from the events and crises outside their borders. With ever diminishing options at their disposal, the most logical course of action for them would be to defend themselves, which has been the case for Saudi Arabia and other Gulf states in Yemen. This also applies to Turkey in Syria and Egypt in Libya.

“Another important factor to consider in the present circumstances is the heavy and direct Iranian military investment, for the first time in its modern history, in two major confrontations in Iraq and Syria,” he noted.

The regional landscape has become a multitude of battlefields between different powers and on multiple fronts. This situation calls for essential cooperation between countries.

“The Saudi-Emirati military and political cooperation has reached levels unprecedented in the history of the GCC, in the continuing war in Yemen. It is a war that shouldn’t be taken lightly in terms of its threats and complications,” he wrote.

“Qatar and Bahrain have also joined the fight, contributing to a diverse force capable of defending these countries and their interests beyond Yemen’s borders.

“To say that these joint forces would be capable of changing the region’s map or put a stop to regional chaos would be an exaggeration, but they are surely capable of defending the borders and the higher interests of their respective nations,” he concluded.

On the same topic, Dr Ali Al Tarrah, a Kuwaiti contributing columnist in the Abu Dhabi-based daily Al Ittihad, the Arabic-language sister newspaper to The National, noted that Saudi Arabia’s decision to support legitimacy in Yemen was timely.

It reflects a shift in the understanding of security issues emerging from developments on the Arab and global scenes.

“This is a war that occurred during a state of unprecedented deterioration in Arab cooperation and clout, confirming the breakdown of the nature of the Arab system as a whole,” he noted.

He added the hope that the Saudi-led campaign in Yemen will lead to a new Arab vision and a plan to stop vulnerable Arab states from collapsing.

“Another important issue that needs to be resolved is the unification of the GCC’s position towards Yemen,” he added.

The emergence and rising influence of the Houthis in Yemen counts as a win for Iran, which wants to have Sanaa on the list of Arab capitals under its control. If this project were to succeed, it would mean that the state of Arab deterioration would sooner or later hit the Gulf states – a goal these states have been able to thwart so far.

“An inter-GCC members’ agreement over the Houthi threat in Yemen is essential at this time,” he said. This was especially because there have been clear indications that Tehran has had its eyes on Bahrain and Yemen, as proved by the recent speech of the Iran-backed Hizbollah chief, clearly stating the Islamic Republic’s intentions towards these countries.

“There should be no reason for hesitancy to mobilise GCC ground forces to reinstate stability in Yemen,” he wrote.

“Neutrality in the conflict between Iran and the Gulf states is an illusion that we can’t afford.”

Translated by Racha Makarem

RMakarem@thenational.ae

While you're here
Meydan racecard:

6.30pm: Al Maktoum Challenge Round 2 (PA) Group 1 | US$75,000 (Dirt) | 2,200 metres

7.05pm: UAE 1000 Guineas (TB) Listed | $250,000 (D) 1,600m

7.40pm: Meydan Classic Trial (TB) Conditions $100,000 (Turf) 1,400m

8.15pm: Al Shindagha Sprint (TB) Group 3 $200,000 (D) 1,200m

8.50pm: Handicap (TB) $175,000 (D) 1,600m

9.25pm: Handicap (TB) $175,000 (T) | 2,000m

10pm: Handicap (TB) $135,000 (T) 1,600m

Who was Alfred Nobel?

The Nobel Prize was created by wealthy Swedish chemist and entrepreneur Alfred Nobel.

  • In his will he dictated that the bulk of his estate should be used to fund "prizes to those who, during the preceding year, have conferred the greatest benefit to humankind".
  • Nobel is best known as the inventor of dynamite, but also wrote poetry and drama and could speak Russian, French, English and German by the age of 17. The five original prize categories reflect the interests closest to his heart.
  • Nobel died in 1896 but it took until 1901, following a legal battle over his will, before the first prizes were awarded.
if you go

Getting there

Etihad (Etihad.com), Emirates (emirates.com) and Air France (www.airfrance.com) fly to Paris’ Charles de Gaulle Airport, from Abu Dhabi and Dubai respectively. Return flights cost from around Dh3,785. It takes about 40 minutes to get from Paris to Compiègne by train, with return tickets costing €19. The Glade of the Armistice is 6.6km east of the railway station.

Staying there

On a handsome, tree-lined street near the Chateau’s park, La Parenthèse du Rond Royal (laparenthesedurondroyal.com) offers spacious b&b accommodation with thoughtful design touches. Lots of natural woods, old fashioned travelling trunks as decoration and multi-nozzle showers are part of the look, while there are free bikes for those who want to cycle to the glade. Prices start at €120 a night.

More information: musee-armistice-14-18.fr ; compiegne-tourisme.fr; uk.france.fr