Houthi fighters stand outside a state security court in Sanaa. (Khaled Abdullah / Reuters)
Houthi fighters stand outside a state security court in Sanaa. (Khaled Abdullah / Reuters)
Houthi fighters stand outside a state security court in Sanaa. (Khaled Abdullah / Reuters)
Houthi fighters stand outside a state security court in Sanaa. (Khaled Abdullah / Reuters)

Houthis’ legal talk is hollow


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It is well-known that Yemen’s Southern Movement has long wished Aden to again be the capital of an independent country – but perhaps not like this. After escaping house arrest in Sanaa, under circumstances that remain unclear, Yemen’s president Abdrabu Mansour Hadi has installed himself in Aden, formerly the capital of South Yemen, and continued with business as- almost-usual.

Mr Hadi maintains he is the legitimate president, a position backed by the GCC, which brokered the transition that ended the previous president’s rule. More importantly, it appears to be backed by a majority of Yemenis: Taiz, the third-largest city and one that is often called “the heart of the revolution” has held protests for days in favour of Mr Hadi. Other governors from both north and south have pledged allegiance to him as the president.

That, in itself, puts to bed the suggestion that the country will split into two states, one ruled by the Houthis and one by Mr Hadi. Despite taking over the capital Sanaa, it is important to see the Houthis for what they are: a militant group with foreign support that has fought its way to the capital. The Houthis do not represent the majority of the north, let alone the majority of the country. Just because they occupy government buildings does not make them the government.

Indeed, one of the most darkly amusing elements of this crisis has been the way the Houthis have sought to use the language of the law after their brutal takeover. They have claimed Mr Hadi is no longer president because he submitted his resignation – forgetting that he did so after their guns were pointed at him in Sanaa. They have threatened to arrest cabinet members if they do not return to work – even though the Houthis had them placed under house arrest.

If it weren’t so serious, it would be farcical. But that has been the Houthi method from the start: to talk the language of revolution while waging an illegal war against Yemen’s people.

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