At the end of last year, an American man on a flight to Chicago approached a female stranger sitting a few rows in front of him and demanded she undress for him.
When she refused, he tore off a piece of her clothing, leaving her, as a court in the US last week noted, “exposed and violated”. The man, Gill Parker Payne, last week pleaded guilty and will be sentenced shortly.
A clear-cut case of sexual assault, surely. Yet the woman Payne assaulted, known in court as KA, was Muslim and the item of her clothing he tore off was her hijab. Payne therefore pleaded guilty to a charge of “obstruction of a person’s free exercise of religion”, a crime that generally carries a lesser sentence than sexual assault.
Islamophobia is nothing new, of course, but from the beginning of this particular period of seeing Islam as the “other”, roughly since 2001, I’ve been fascinated by the rage that some people exhibit towards the hijab. It goes beyond the mere wearing of a piece of cloth. There is something about the act of choosing to wear a headscarf that seems to bring out a particular anger in some parts of the West.
(That qualification is necessary, because Islamic countries, like conservative Christian countries, have their own histories with, and therefore attitudes towards, veiling.)
That anger is different from the surprise, even discomfort, someone might feel at seeing something novel. Seeing a group of women in hijab in a small town, for example, may provoke surprise, but it is unlikely to provoke anger.
The hijab is, certainly, a mere piece of cloth. But it also exists at the nexus of racism, sexism and nationalism.
The anger towards the hijab is rooted, in particular, in sexism. There may be other elements to the dislike of the hijab – for some it may symbolise a different culture or different notions of gender equality – but the forceful, angry desire to unveil women is clearly rooted in the desire to control how women exist in the public space.
To see why, take all of the other elements that seem to go along with the hijab – religion, immigration, integration – out of the equation, and what is left is the desire of some individuals and governments to decide what women can and can’t wear.
To seek to define, through laws in the case of governments and through violence and shame in the case of individuals, how women dress and, in particular, how much of their bodies must be exposed.
A desire to unveil
What happened on the flight from Chicago – and what happens in similar incidents across the West – was a literal stripping of a woman in public. Had the man forcibly removed her skirt or trousers, we would recognise it as an act of violence, rooted in the man’s desire to impose himself on her, to expose her body.
(Interestingly, we do recognise it as an act of violence in Muslim countries. Forcibly removing a woman’s hijab on the street in Cairo is understood as an attempt to impose sexual power over her, to expose something she would prefer to keep hidden.)
Yet because the broader cultural norm in western countries is that a woman covering her hair is not an essential component of modesty – whereas a woman covering her chest is – we don’t immediately recognise it as an assault. But modesty is a relative term and freedom must mean the freedom to choose what is exposed as much as to choose what is covered.
The desire, then, to forcibly remove the hijab is really part of a broader problem of men seeking to exert power over women.
One of the reasons why the hijab issue is so complex is because, at least in the West, it exists in a space that subverts cultural expectations of how women should behave.
Societies develop systems to regulate behaviour. Western feminists would say that there is enormous pressure placed on women to dress, behave and move through the public space in a particular way. Revealing clothing provokes one reaction, excessively modest clothing another. But clothing is an integral part of how societies judge women and allow them access to the public space. It is never merely about fashion.
At least in the West, the hijab subverts those expectations. It undercuts what feminists call the “male gaze” – the idea that media, advertising and culture look at women from the perspective of men, and that the wider society absorbs those viewpoints. Women, by this theory, are reduced to objects, judged by how they look and dress – but always judged from the perspective of men.
The anger against the hijab comes because some men – and, let’s be honest, some women – feel that Muslim women get to “opt out” of the pressures and expectations western societies place on women. Women in hijab remove themselves from the beauty standards that apply to other women. They cannot be judged – and therefore celebrated or minimised – based on what they wear. This, for those who benefit from the system, is enraging.
That’s why some lash out. When they feel their privilege is being eroded, they react the way people always react when their power over someone else is removed – with violence.
falyafai@thenational.ae
On Twitter: @FaisalAlYafai
More from this author:
■Calling Sadiq Khan a Muslim mayor is a dangerous myth
■Zaha Hadid and the Arab world's forgotten past
■Step by step, we are sleepwalking back to Assad's Syria
■Why the Miss Iraq beauty pageant offers merely a sham of stability
Brief scoreline:
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Trump v Khan
2016: Feud begins after Khan criticised Trump’s proposed Muslim travel ban to US
2017: Trump criticises Khan’s ‘no reason to be alarmed’ response to London Bridge terror attacks
2019: Trump calls Khan a “stone cold loser” before first state visit
2019: Trump tweets about “Khan’s Londonistan”, calling him “a national disgrace”
2022: Khan’s office attributes rise in Islamophobic abuse against the major to hostility stoked during Trump’s presidency
July 2025 During a golfing trip to Scotland, Trump calls Khan “a nasty person”
Sept 2025 Trump blames Khan for London’s “stabbings and the dirt and the filth”.
Dec 2025 Trump suggests migrants got Khan elected, calls him a “horrible, vicious, disgusting mayor”
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The Emirates Charity Portal
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The General Authority of Islamic Affairs & Endowments
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Al Noor Special Needs Centre
You can donate online or order Smiles n’ Stuff products handcrafted by Al Noor students. The centre publishes a wish list of extras needed, starting at Dh500.
Beit Al Khair Society
Beit Al Khair Society has the motto “From – and to – the UAE,” with donations going towards the neediest in the country. Its website has a list of physical donation sites, but people can also contribute money by SMS, bank transfer and through the hotline 800-22554.
Dar Al Ber Society
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Dubai Cares
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Emirates Airline Foundation
Those who travel on Emirates have undoubtedly seen the little donation envelopes in the seat pockets. But the foundation also accepts donations online and in the form of Skywards Miles. Donated miles are used to sponsor travel for doctors, surgeons, engineers and other professionals volunteering on humanitarian missions around the world.
Emirates Red Crescent
On the Emirates Red Crescent website you can choose between 35 different purposes for your donation, such as providing food for fasters, supporting debtors and contributing to a refugee women fund. It also has a list of bank accounts for each donation type.
Gulf for Good
Gulf for Good raises funds for partner charity projects through challenges, like climbing Kilimanjaro and cycling through Thailand. This year’s projects are in partnership with Street Child Nepal, Larchfield Kids, the Foundation for African Empowerment and SOS Children's Villages. Since 2001, the organisation has raised more than $3.5 million (Dh12.8m) in support of over 50 children’s charities.
Noor Dubai Foundation
Sheikh Mohammed bin Rashid Al Maktoum launched the Noor Dubai Foundation a decade ago with the aim of eliminating all forms of preventable blindness globally. You can donate Dh50 to support mobile eye camps by texting the word “Noor” to 4565 (Etisalat) or 4849 (du).
Timeline
2012-2015
The company offers payments/bribes to win key contracts in the Middle East
May 2017
The UK SFO officially opens investigation into Petrofac’s use of agents, corruption, and potential bribery to secure contracts
September 2021
Petrofac pleads guilty to seven counts of failing to prevent bribery under the UK Bribery Act
October 2021
Court fines Petrofac £77 million for bribery. Former executive receives a two-year suspended sentence
December 2024
Petrofac enters into comprehensive restructuring to strengthen the financial position of the group
May 2025
The High Court of England and Wales approves the company’s restructuring plan
July 2025
The Court of Appeal issues a judgment challenging parts of the restructuring plan
August 2025
Petrofac issues a business update to execute the restructuring and confirms it will appeal the Court of Appeal decision
October 2025
Petrofac loses a major TenneT offshore wind contract worth €13 billion. Holding company files for administration in the UK. Petrofac delisted from the London Stock Exchange
November 2025
180 Petrofac employees laid off in the UAE
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