The first time Canadian Prime Minister Justin Trudeau went to Washington for a state visit, he won America over with a speech in which he described Canada and the US as siblings. “We became the stay-at-home type,” he said, whereas America “grew up to be a little more rebellious”. It was a charming complement to the “bromance” editorialised by the North American media between Mr Trudeau and his equally charismatic host, US president Barack Obama.
Now, after four years of deeply uncomfortable moments with Donald Trump, Ottawa hoped to recapture some of the brotherly love with the new president, Joe Biden. Instead, it was reminded in earnest what Mr Trudeau had mentioned tongue in cheek, which is how different the two countries’ interests can sometimes be.
Mr Biden's first phone call to a foreign leader, two days after his inauguration, was to Mr Trudeau. The call was made awkward by the fact that, mere hours after he was sworn in, Mr Biden issued an executive order ripping up a 2019 agreement for an oil pipeline, called Keystone XL.
Canada's Prime Minister Justin Trudeau, right, with then US vice president Joe Biden in Ottawa in 2016. Times have changed over the past five years. Reuters
The pipeline would ship 830,000 barrels of oil a day from the Canadian province of Alberta to the US state of Nebraska, 2,000 kilometres away, where it could then continue to the port of Galveston in Texas.
For Alberta, which was built on supplying the US with oil, it's a heart-wrenching loss. Oil gave Alberta the highest level of wealth per capita in Canada for years. Since 2015, however, successive collapses in the oil price and, eventually, Covid-19 have brought the industry to its knees. Unemployment is at 11 per cent. And there is simply too much oil in storage to export, meaning that the price for getting it out through the limited pipelines available is too high. Keystone XL was supposed to be the answer to that problem, and a vote of confidence in the province's oil future. Last year, to signal its own support, the government of Alberta made a $1.1 billion investment in the pipeline and loaned the company building it another $4.7bn.
The whole Keystone XL episode reveals an unexpectedly pragmatic dimension to Mr Trudeau’s otherwise idealistic politics. The head of Alberta’s government, Jason Kenney, was mortally outraged by the Prime Minister’s response to Washington’s decision. Mr Kenney believed it was, simply put, to capitulate. Without any effort to push back, Mr Trudeau gave in and has declared the pipeline more or less dead.
That is a stark departure from his efforts with Mr Obama and Mr Trump over the past five years, when the publicly woke and green Mr Trudeau was often referred to as a “secret oil man”. During the Obama era, Mr Trudeau lobbied Washington hard for Keystone XL, but in vain. So he made trips to the US to speak to the oil industry directly, knowing that his personal connection with the president would spare him the administration’s ire. At an industry conference in Houston in 2017, just weeks after Mr Obama left office, Mr Trudeau famously justified Canada’s position by saying, “No country would find 173 billion barrels of oil in the ground and just leave them there.”
President Trump signs permit for TransCanada 's Keystone XL oil pipeline. Reuters
As difficult as Mr Trudeau's relationship with Donald Trump was, oil was at least something on which they could agree. So in 2019, Mr Trump signed the pipeline deal that Mr Obama wouldn't and Mr Trudeau's administration was relieved. As Ottawa's natural resources minister Seamus O'Regan put it, Keystone XL was becoming a matter of "national unity".
That remark was informed by the long history of animosity in Alberta towards Mr Trudeau’s Liberal Party and even the Prime Minister himself. In his last re-election campaign, his greatest electoral grief came from Alberta. Any hope that Mr Trudeau has ever had of gaining votes – and financial support – from the province has always relied on his support for Keystone XL.
So why has he given up so easily now? The reality is that Mr Trudeau supported the project not because it was hard, but because it was easy. When Mr Obama was president, Mr Trudeau could leverage their “bromance” to push as hard as he could without jeopardising their relationship, while expediently signalling to Albertan voters that he was fighting their corner. With Mr Trump, signing oil deals was right up the president’s street.
Gina McCarthy, White House national climate adviser, speaks while John Kerry, special presidential envoy for climate, listens during a news conference at the White House in Washington last week. Bloomberg
But with Mr Biden, Mr Trudeau has neither of those assets. Mr Biden is less suited, given the state of American politics and his status as a veteran, Cold War-era statesman, for Instagram moments with Mr Trudeau. He has also brought into his administration a team that is earnest in its ideological opposition to Keystone XL. His climate czar, Gina McCarthy, is a long-time public opponent to the pipeline, and gives an ear to the environmental activist movement that has mounted a vicious campaign against it for the past decade. She is also far more cognisant of the contradictions in Mr Trudeau's environmental policies.
Much of Mr Biden’s decision would have been motivated by her advice. She knows, and cares, that Alberta’s oil is not extracted like that of most other places. It is locked in the form of viscous bitumen buried within layers of sand underneath the province’s northern forests. Extracting it is much more expensive, labour-intensive, carbon-heavy and environmentally catastrophic than the oil industry standard. Areas of forest the size of small countries have to be cleared to get to it, and the land is often rendered too dangerous for animals to return afterwards.
Native Americans lead demonstrators as they march to the Federal Building in protest against President Donald Trump's executive order fast-tracking the Keystone XL and Dakota Access oil pipelines, in Los Angeles, California in 2017. AFP
The reality is that the US just doesn't need that much Canadian oil anymore
Making the case for the Biden administration to support a project associated with such dark consequences would be tough, even for the charming and persuasive Justin Trudeau. But Mr Trudeau also knows that that is not his only obstacle. Mr Biden has a pragmatic side, too.
The reality is that the US just doesn’t need that much Canadian oil anymore, and it will only need it less in the years to come. While Canada’s share in the US’s oil import basket has increased over the past decade, the overall size of that basket has shrunk considerably. The US is weaning itself off of oil.
And so Canada’s oil export ambitions will have to be tempered, at least as far as Keystone XL goes. It can neither afford nor win the fight with Mr Biden’s Washington, which is proving itself at once more progressive and equally pragmatic on this issue.
But Canada has other pipelines in the making, including one with a view to getting its oil to Asia, via Vancouver. That orientation may come to define Canada's energy relationship in the years ahead, even if it continues to put Ottawa's environmental targets in an awkward position. It will also no doubt make Washington uncomfortable. In the end, Mr Trudeau will hope to send a message to the new US President: that Canada won’t rebel, but it can no longer afford to be the stay-at-home type, either.
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One in nine do not have enough to eat
Created in 1961, the World Food Programme is pledged to fight hunger worldwide as well as providing emergency food assistance in a crisis.
One of the organisation’s goals is the Zero Hunger Pledge, adopted by the international community in 2015 as one of the 17 Sustainable Goals for Sustainable Development, to end world hunger by 2030.
The WFP, a branch of the United Nations, is funded by voluntary donations from governments, businesses and private donations.
Almost two thirds of its operations currently take place in conflict zones, where it is calculated that people are more than three times likely to suffer from malnutrition than in peaceful countries.
It is currently estimated that one in nine people globally do not have enough to eat.
On any one day, the WFP estimates that it has 5,000 lorries, 20 ships and 70 aircraft on the move.
Outside emergencies, the WFP provides school meals to up to 25 million children in 63 countries, while working with communities to improve nutrition. Where possible, it buys supplies from developing countries to cut down transport cost and boost local economies.
The bairaq is a competition for the best herd of 50 camels, named for the banner its winner takes home
Namoos - a word of congratulations reserved for falconry competitions, camel races and camel pageants. It best translates as 'the pride of victory' - and for competitors, it is priceless
Mercer, the investment consulting arm of US services company Marsh & McLennan, expects its wealth division to at least double its assets under management (AUM) in the Middle East as wealth in the region continues to grow despite economic headwinds, a company official said.
Mercer Wealth, which globally has $160 billion in AUM, plans to boost its AUM in the region to $2-$3bn in the next 2-3 years from the present $1bn, said Yasir AbuShaban, a Dubai-based principal with Mercer Wealth.
“Within the next two to three years, we are looking at reaching $2 to $3 billion as a conservative estimate and we do see an opportunity to do so,” said Mr AbuShaban.
Mercer does not directly make investments, but allocates clients’ money they have discretion to, to professional asset managers. They also provide advice to clients.
“We have buying power. We can negotiate on their (client’s) behalf with asset managers to provide them lower fees than they otherwise would have to get on their own,” he added.
Mercer Wealth’s clients include sovereign wealth funds, family offices, and insurance companies among others.
From its office in Dubai, Mercer also looks after Africa, India and Turkey, where they also see opportunity for growth.
Wealth creation in Middle East and Africa (MEA) grew 8.5 per cent to $8.1 trillion last year from $7.5tn in 2015, higher than last year’s global average of 6 per cent and the second-highest growth in a region after Asia-Pacific which grew 9.9 per cent, according to consultancy Boston Consulting Group (BCG). In the region, where wealth grew just 1.9 per cent in 2015 compared with 2014, a pickup in oil prices has helped in wealth generation.
BCG is forecasting MEA wealth will rise to $12tn by 2021, growing at an annual average of 8 per cent.
Drivers of wealth generation in the region will be split evenly between new wealth creation and growth of performance of existing assets, according to BCG.
Another general trend in the region is clients’ looking for a comprehensive approach to investing, according to Mr AbuShaban.
“Institutional investors or some of the families are seeing a slowdown in the available capital they have to invest and in that sense they are looking at optimizing the way they manage their portfolios and making sure they are not investing haphazardly and different parts of their investment are working together,” said Mr AbuShaban.
Some clients also have a higher appetite for risk, given the low interest-rate environment that does not provide enough yield for some institutional investors. These clients are keen to invest in illiquid assets, such as private equity and infrastructure.
“What we have seen is a desire for higher returns in what has been a low-return environment specifically in various fixed income or bonds,” he said.
“In this environment, we have seen a de facto increase in the risk that clients are taking in things like illiquid investments, private equity investments, infrastructure and private debt, those kind of investments were higher illiquidity results in incrementally higher returns.”
The Abu Dhabi Investment Authority, one of the largest sovereign wealth funds, said in its 2016 report that has gradually increased its exposure in direct private equity and private credit transactions, mainly in Asian markets and especially in China and India. The authority’s private equity department focused on structured equities owing to “their defensive characteristics.”
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Sheikh Dhiyab bin Isa (ruled 1761-1793) Built Qasr Al Hosn as a watchtower to guard over the only freshwater well on Abu Dhabi island.
Sheikh Shakhbut bin Dhiyab (ruled 1793-1816) Expanded the tower into a small fort and transferred his ruling place of residence from Liwa Oasis to the fort on the island.
Sheikh Tahnoon bin Shakhbut (ruled 1818-1833) Expanded Qasr Al Hosn further as Abu Dhabi grew from a small village of palm huts to a town of more than 5,000 inhabitants.
Sheikh Khalifa bin Shakhbut (ruled 1833-1845) Repaired and fortified the fort.
Sheikh Saeed bin Tahnoon (ruled 1845-1855) Turned Qasr Al Hosn into a strong two-storied structure.
Sheikh Zayed bin Khalifa (ruled 1855-1909) Expanded Qasr Al Hosn further to reflect the emirate's increasing prominence.
Sheikh Shakhbut bin Sultan (ruled 1928-1966) Renovated and enlarged Qasr Al Hosn, adding a decorative arch and two new villas.
Sheikh Zayed bin Sultan (ruled 1966-2004) Moved the royal residence to Al Manhal palace and kept his diwan at Qasr Al Hosn.