It has been a recurring question over the past week: are you going to the Conservative party conference?
To which the answer is no. The same appears to be true for several of my contacts, as the UK’s now-opposition party struggles to find its place in a fractured political landscape.
Since its founding in 1834, the Conservative party has been the dominant political force in the UK. But now, under former trade secretary Kemi Badenoch, it is scraping by on 16 per cent in the polls. The Reform UK party of Nigel Farage is its foremost challenger on the right, and it is topping the polls at double that figure.
But, despite the gloom around the Conservatives, there is one pang of regret I have now that the party conference is under way. To miss the very useful panel discussions being organised by the Conservative Middle East Council – or Cmec, as it is known to its affiliates – is a big miss for my day job.
Cmec is a venerable part of the Conservative party’s international ties around the world. It is still a viable forum in the wake of the party’s devastation in last year’s general election.
One of the more important aspects of Cmec’s impact on UK politics is that it has trailblazed for a similar body in the governing Labour party – called the Labour Middle East Council – and here I argue that Reform UK should take steps to replicate it within its emerging policy structures.
The panels hosted by Cmec at this week’s event feature voices from the Middle East, including Emir Majid Arslan, a leading member of Lebanon’s Druze community. And it will play a prominent role in hosting Arab ambassadors and other diplomats at the conference venue in Manchester.
In UK politics, there are generally two types of ad hoc meeting groups that allow for discussions with international representatives. There are internal party meetings, and there are wider set-ups known as All-Party Parliamentary Groups. Both tend to have their own characteristics and are obviously driven by particular agendas.
What Cmec has done is to uniquely offer a big-tent approach to Middle Eastern issues, where agreement and consensus are not obligations but desired outcomes. Indeed, the forum was singled out for its exemplary record by Labour Middle East Council chairman William Patey.
Mr Patey talked about how “Lmec” was formed with the purpose of providing an entry point for the region in the governing party’s politics. He talked of how, as an ambassador, he had seen Cmec’s role in familiarising UK politicians with the Middle East on high-level trips and how it allowed the British body politic become familiar with the region and its issues, as seen by the people based there.
Lmec’s own panels at the Labour party conference in Liverpool last week hosted Moroccan MPs and a good complement of the ambassadors based in London. It also featured Middle East minister Hamish Falconer, who talked about the prospects of US President Donald Trump’s ceasefire initiative in Gaza coming to fruition.
The Reform UK party's internal councils will no doubt come, and the Cmec model is a commendable one
One of the most prominent voices within UK Parliament on the policy towards Gaza has been Cmec chairman Kit Malthouse. He has made impassioned pleas to the Labour government to recognise the finding of genocide by the UN. At one point, he beseeched then-Labour foreign secretary David Lammy to consider the costs of the UK’s policy regarding the conflict. He even stunned fellow MPs into silence when he asked Mr Lammy if he feared facing the international courts over the UK’s failure to meet its international obligations.
Reform UK is just about five years old and lacks the institutional structures of its rivals. Mr Farage is a veteran campaigner on the issues facing the English electorate, but he confines himself to these top-line priorities. Deputy leader Richard Tice carries both the finance and the foreign affairs briefs as a spokesman on these issues.
Meanwhile, much of the heavy lifting on specific measures is carried by businessman Zia Yusuf, who is Reform UK’s policy chief. Its internal councils will no doubt come, and the Cmec model is a commendable one for the party as it makes political gains.
Mr Tice does have personal links to the Gulf, and people around him are in close contact with developments in countries such as Libya. This is welcome, given that familiarity with the broad developments in the region is helpful when trying to factor some of the dynamism on display in the region into his thinking on UK politics.
Giving institutional form to those currents in Reform UK would be valuable all-round. In Cmec, there is a readily available formula for successful linkage to the Middle East.
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Company profile
Name: Tratok Portal
Founded: 2017
Based: UAE
Sector: Travel & tourism
Size: 36 employees
Funding: Privately funded
In the Restaurant: Society in Four Courses
Christoph Ribbat
Translated by Jamie Searle Romanelli
Pushkin Press
The%20specs
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GAC GS8 Specs
Engine: 2.0-litre 4cyl turbo
Power: 248hp at 5,200rpm
Torque: 400Nm at 1,750-4,000rpm
Transmission: 8-speed auto
Fuel consumption: 9.1L/100km
On sale: Now
Price: From Dh149,900
Who's who in Yemen conflict
Houthis: Iran-backed rebels who occupy Sanaa and run unrecognised government
Yemeni government: Exiled government in Aden led by eight-member Presidential Leadership Council
Southern Transitional Council: Faction in Yemeni government that seeks autonomy for the south
Habrish 'rebels': Tribal-backed forces feuding with STC over control of oil in government territory
Intercontinental Cup
Namibia v UAE Saturday Sep 16-Tuesday Sep 19
Table 1 Ireland, 89 points; 2 Afghanistan, 81; 3 Netherlands, 52; 4 Papua New Guinea, 40; 5 Hong Kong, 39; 6 Scotland, 37; 7 UAE, 27; 8 Namibia, 27
The major Hashd factions linked to Iran:
Badr Organisation: Seen as the most militarily capable faction in the Hashd. Iraqi Shiite exiles opposed to Saddam Hussein set up the group in Tehran in the early 1980s as the Badr Corps under the supervision of the Iran Revolutionary Guards Corps (IRGC). The militia exalts Iran’s Supreme Leader Ali Khamenei but intermittently cooperated with the US military.
Saraya Al Salam (Peace Brigade): Comprised of former members of the officially defunct Mahdi Army, a militia that was commanded by Iraqi cleric Moqtada Al Sadr and fought US and Iraqi government and other forces between 2004 and 2008. As part of a political overhaul aimed as casting Mr Al Sadr as a more nationalist and less sectarian figure, the cleric formed Saraya Al Salam in 2014. The group’s relations with Iran has been volatile.
Kataeb Hezbollah: The group, which is fighting on behalf of the Bashar Al Assad government in Syria, traces its origins to attacks on US forces in Iraq in 2004 and adopts a tough stance against Washington, calling the United States “the enemy of humanity”.
Asaeb Ahl Al Haq: An offshoot of the Mahdi Army active in Syria. Asaeb Ahl Al Haq’s leader Qais al Khazali was a student of Mr Al Moqtada’s late father Mohammed Sadeq Al Sadr, a prominent Shiite cleric who was killed during Saddam Hussein’s rule.
Harakat Hezbollah Al Nujaba: Formed in 2013 to fight alongside Mr Al Assad’s loyalists in Syria before joining the Hashd. The group is seen as among the most ideological and sectarian-driven Hashd militias in Syria and is the major recruiter of foreign fighters to Syria.
Saraya Al Khorasani: The ICRG formed Saraya Al Khorasani in the mid-1990s and the group is seen as the most ideologically attached to Iran among Tehran’s satellites in Iraq.
(Source: The Wilson Centre, the International Centre for the Study of Radicalisation)
Dubai Bling season three
Cast: Loujain Adada, Zeina Khoury, Farhana Bodi, Ebraheem Al Samadi, Mona Kattan, and couples Safa & Fahad Siddiqui and DJ Bliss & Danya Mohammed
Rating: 1/5
THE%20SPECS
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Mercer, the investment consulting arm of US services company Marsh & McLennan, expects its wealth division to at least double its assets under management (AUM) in the Middle East as wealth in the region continues to grow despite economic headwinds, a company official said.
Mercer Wealth, which globally has $160 billion in AUM, plans to boost its AUM in the region to $2-$3bn in the next 2-3 years from the present $1bn, said Yasir AbuShaban, a Dubai-based principal with Mercer Wealth.
“Within the next two to three years, we are looking at reaching $2 to $3 billion as a conservative estimate and we do see an opportunity to do so,” said Mr AbuShaban.
Mercer does not directly make investments, but allocates clients’ money they have discretion to, to professional asset managers. They also provide advice to clients.
“We have buying power. We can negotiate on their (client’s) behalf with asset managers to provide them lower fees than they otherwise would have to get on their own,” he added.
Mercer Wealth’s clients include sovereign wealth funds, family offices, and insurance companies among others.
From its office in Dubai, Mercer also looks after Africa, India and Turkey, where they also see opportunity for growth.
Wealth creation in Middle East and Africa (MEA) grew 8.5 per cent to $8.1 trillion last year from $7.5tn in 2015, higher than last year’s global average of 6 per cent and the second-highest growth in a region after Asia-Pacific which grew 9.9 per cent, according to consultancy Boston Consulting Group (BCG). In the region, where wealth grew just 1.9 per cent in 2015 compared with 2014, a pickup in oil prices has helped in wealth generation.
BCG is forecasting MEA wealth will rise to $12tn by 2021, growing at an annual average of 8 per cent.
Drivers of wealth generation in the region will be split evenly between new wealth creation and growth of performance of existing assets, according to BCG.
Another general trend in the region is clients’ looking for a comprehensive approach to investing, according to Mr AbuShaban.
“Institutional investors or some of the families are seeing a slowdown in the available capital they have to invest and in that sense they are looking at optimizing the way they manage their portfolios and making sure they are not investing haphazardly and different parts of their investment are working together,” said Mr AbuShaban.
Some clients also have a higher appetite for risk, given the low interest-rate environment that does not provide enough yield for some institutional investors. These clients are keen to invest in illiquid assets, such as private equity and infrastructure.
“What we have seen is a desire for higher returns in what has been a low-return environment specifically in various fixed income or bonds,” he said.
“In this environment, we have seen a de facto increase in the risk that clients are taking in things like illiquid investments, private equity investments, infrastructure and private debt, those kind of investments were higher illiquidity results in incrementally higher returns.”
The Abu Dhabi Investment Authority, one of the largest sovereign wealth funds, said in its 2016 report that has gradually increased its exposure in direct private equity and private credit transactions, mainly in Asian markets and especially in China and India. The authority’s private equity department focused on structured equities owing to “their defensive characteristics.”
Boston%20Strangler
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What sanctions would be reimposed?
Under ‘snapback’, measures imposed on Iran by the UN Security Council in six resolutions would be restored, including:
- An arms embargo
- A ban on uranium enrichment and reprocessing
- A ban on launches and other activities with ballistic missiles capable of delivering nuclear weapons, as well as ballistic missile technology transfer and technical assistance
- A targeted global asset freeze and travel ban on Iranian individuals and entities
- Authorisation for countries to inspect Iran Air Cargo and Islamic Republic of Iran Shipping Lines cargoes for banned goods
Paatal Lok season two
Directors: Avinash Arun, Prosit Roy
Stars: Jaideep Ahlawat, Ishwak Singh, Lc Sekhose, Merenla Imsong
Rating: 4.5/5
COMPANY PROFILE
Company name: Blah
Started: 2018
Founder: Aliyah Al Abbar and Hend Al Marri
Based: Dubai
Industry: Technology and talent management
Initial investment: Dh20,000
Investors: Self-funded
Total customers: 40
'Nope'
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