New generation of militias steps out of Hamas's shadow to fill Gaza power vacuum

Amid gang warfare, kidnapping and Israeli collaboration, fear does not only wear Israeli uniforms, Palestinians say

The Popular Army led by Yasser Abu Shabab opposes Hamas's control of Gaza. Photo: Popular Army

In the ruins of Gaza, a new obstacle to peace is taking root in the form of local militias that many Palestinians say pose as grave a danger as Israeli troops.

For months, Gazans have spoken in whispers about the rise of armed groups led by figures such as Yasser Abu Shabab and the Al Astal clan, who have filled a power vacuum left by two years of war.

What began as small armed gangs have become organised militias, patrolling neighbourhoods and clashing with fighters from Hamas, which has ruled Gaza since 2007. According to witnesses and human rights groups, some have attacked hospitals and surrendered Palestinians to Israeli forces.

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Hamza Al Shoubaki, a writer and journalist from Gaza, says these groups are not new but their expansion is alarming.

“Armed groups and militias existed in Gaza before Hamas came to power,” Al Shoubaki tells The National. “But after Hamas consolidated its rule, it spent years eradicating those militias, imprisoning or neutralising their leaders. Security was its top priority.”

For nearly two decades, Hamas kept control through a powerful apparatus that had little patience and left little room for such armed groups. “What Hamas achieved in eliminating militias, neither the Palestinian Authority nor any other force could do. Their capacity to impose power by force was unmatched,” says Al Shoubaki.

But with Israel's war, the displacement of thousands of Gazans and the collapse of government, Hamas's grip has loosened. In its place, militias have emerged, many claiming to defend “humanitarian zones” for Gazans to shelter from violence. Yet, civilians say these groups often bring fear rather than provide protection.

Illustrating the perils of this new landscape is the story of Tasneem Al Hams, a 32-year-old doctor in Rafah whose family say was kidnapped by militiamen and handed to Israeli troops.

Her brother, Mohammed Al Hams, recounted the ordeal to The National.

“One day, I got a call from a woman saying a special force had kidnapped Tasneem. I rushed to the place, but they were gone,” he said.

According to witnesses and rights groups – including Palestinian NGO the Al Dameer Association for Human Rights – five armed men in civilian clothes ambushed Dr Al Hams in broad daylight. They beat her, gagged her and dragged her into a lorry under cover of gunfire meant to disperse bystanders. The vehicle sped off towards north-west Rafah, an area under Israeli control.

“We later learned Tasneem was in Israeli prisons,” Mr Al Hams says. “The men who took her were members of Yasser Abu Shabab’s militia. They handed her to the occupation forces.”

Smoke rises from an explosion in Gaza on Tuesday. Reuters

Two months earlier, their father, Marwan Al Hams, the director of field hospitals at Gaza's Ministry of Health, had been abducted in similar circumstances.

Both cases, rights monitors say, expose a pattern in which militias are sometimes acting as collaborators with the Israeli army.

One member of these militias, a man who asked not to be named for fear of reprisals, agreed to talk to The National about his motives. His testimony reveals a mixture of anger, survival instinct and deep resentment towards Hamas.

“I joined the Popular Forces under Yasser Abu Shabab four months ago,” he says. “I hate Hamas. For years, they cared only about taxes and money, not the people. We starved during the war - no food, no water, no shelter.”

He describes moving his family of six into what he calls a “humanitarian zone” east of Rafah, where he says Yasser Abu Shabab’s groups distributed aid “through UN-linked organisations”.

“Then I volunteered to join the Popular Forces,” he says. “Our mission was to protect residents in the zone and confront Hamas members. We even carried out operations to stop them from taking over humanitarian aid.”

He insists that his group has no contact with Israel. “Hamas accuses us of working with the occupation,” he says, “but that’s a lie they use to justify killing us later.”

However, he says his group may be willing to “co-ordinate” with international and Arab security forces under a possible ceasefire brokered by US President Donald Trump, suggesting a growing complexity in Gaza’s political landscape.

For many Gazans, the new militias are another symptom of the years of war, siege and repression.

Mohammed Sardah, a 28-year-old from Khan Younis, has been displaced to Al Mawasi. He describes scenes of fear and exhaustion caused by the militias.

“I can’t return to my home,” he tells The National. “Every day, armed men from the Abu Shabab and Al Astal gangs drive around our area in jeeps, firing their weapons. They’ve fought gun battles with Hamas near my neighbourhood. Children were killed by stray bullets.”

When clashes broke out near Nasser Hospital last month, he says, bullets flew so close that people in nearby tents had to throw themselves to the ground. “The militias are worse than the occupation now,” he says. “They’ve become its agents on the ground.”

According to Mr Sardah, fear now governs daily life because of the presence of the militias. “I don’t leave my tent after dark. Even in daylight, I walk carefully, afraid of random shooting or another clash breaking out nearby.”

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Political analyst Faiz Abu Shamala says the rise of militias like Abu Shabab’s is a direct result of security gaps exploited by Israel and Palestinian collaborators.

“The Israeli army and its agents are taking advantage of the breakdown in Gaza’s security structure,” he told The National. “The kidnappings of Dr Tasneem and Dr Marwan prove these weaknesses.”

Mr Abu Shamala said that while the main struggle for Gazans remains against Israel, internal threats cannot be ignored.

“The resistance must prioritise confronting militias that act outside the national line. There must be urgent efforts to protect hospitals, community centres and health workers. These places have become easy targets.”

He believes the unchecked growth of these groups serves Israel’s strategic interests: to fracture Palestinian society from within, undermine trust, and make any post-war recovery impossible.

Al Shoubaki fears that if a ceasefire or political transition removes Hamas from power without a clear replacement, the outcome could be more chaos.

“If Hamas is gone, these militias will fill the vacuum. International or Arab forces will not be able to contain them, and over time, the militias may even integrate into those forces.”

The result would be instability and deep internal conflict, he adds. “Hamas members who remain in Gaza will view these militias as collaborators, and revenge attacks are inevitable.”

What emerges is a picture of Gaza teetering between Israeli occupation and internal implosion, its social fabric frayed by war, siege and betrayal from within.

For many Gazans such as Mr Sardah, the distinction between the militias and Israeli forces is no longer important.

“Israel wanted to destroy us - now we’re destroying ourselves," he says. "These militias don’t protect anyone, they just bring more death.”