A fearless fighter against corruption for some Lebanese and, for others, a politically influenced prosecutor with close ties to the Free Patriotic Movement, one of Lebanon’s largest Christian political parties.
Ghada Aoun is a divisive figure in the country. But who is Mount Lebanon's prosecutor, who was removed from her office last Thursday?
“I'm not afraid of anyone. Even if they want to kill me, I have no problem,” said Ms Aoun, after the disciplinary council's decision to remove her.
Ms Aoun has appealed against the decision, which is now before the High Disciplinary Court for a final ruling. She remains in her position in the meantime.
Although the reasons for her dismissal from the post, which she assumed in 2017, were not disclosed, Ms Aoun has been accused in the past of allegedly overstepping her authority.
She is known for her unconventional methods, which she claims serve the fight against corruption.
Judge Aoun has notably provoked the ire of caretaker prime minister Najib Mikati, who previously criticised her for taking “populist and police measures” that “stir up unbearable tensions” in the country.
She launched legal proceedings against him in 2019 for illicit enrichment following allegations that politicians and affluent individuals had benefited from fraudulent subsidised loans.
She is known for her high-profile money laundering cases brought against Lebanese banks and individuals, as the country grapples with a steep economic crisis since 2019, brought about with decades of corruption and mismanagement by the country's ruling elite.
In March last year, Ms Aoun made headlines when she brought charges against Riad Salameh, the embattled central bank Governor of Lebanon, who she accused Mr Salameh of illicit enrichment in connection to his purchase of luxurious apartments in Paris.
As a result, Raja Salameh, the governor's brother, was detained on suspicion of helping in the alleged embezzlement scheme and spent nearly two months in jail in 2022 before he was released on a record bail of approximately 100 billion Lebanese pounds ($3.7 million).
She also initiated a preliminary investigation in April 2020 into the tainted fuel scandal surrounding deliveries to Lebanon's state-owned electricity company. The probe uncovered an alleged corruption network involving the falsification of fuel quality tests, which enabled importers to sell non-compliant fuel at the price of good fuel.
Ms Aoun's cases have also made waves beyond Lebanon's borders, as two fuel importers for EDL, the Rahmeh Brothers, recently had sanctions imposed on them by the US Office of Foreign Assets Control for “engaging in corrupt practices” against the backdrop of the tainted fuel scandal.
Her unorthodox methods were displayed during her investigation into the Mecattaf money transfer company for money laundering, when she forcefully conducted a widely publicised raid on the company premises, despite being ordered to step down from the case by her hierarchy.
Ms Aoun responded to an approach for comment by The National, saying she wanted to uphold her duty to confidentiality until a decision regarding her case was reached.
“I want nothing to be leaked to the press under my name at this moment,” she said.
Politically motivated?
Lebanon's political landscape has long been polarised between the anti-Hezbollah and pro-Hezbollah coalitions, which, supposedly, mirrors a similar divide between the pro and anti-banks camps.
Within Lebanon's highly politicised judiciary, Ms Aoun's critics have accused her of employing radical tactics to further FPM's agenda, which was aligned with the pro-Hezbollah side.
“Her targets are very selective. She fights corruption on one side but disregards anything that could touch the interests of Hezbollah or FPM,” a judicial source who wanted to stay anonymous told The National. She notably faced criticism for not pursuing Qard Al-Hasan, a microcredit institution associated with Hezbollah.
Ms Aoun has never concealed her sympathy for the FPM founder, former president Michel Aoun. She holds a strong base of loyal supporters within the party.
On Sunday, FPM supporters held a rally outside the house of Higher Judicial Council Chief Judge Suheil Abboud, protesting against the ruling, which they deemed “arbitrary and unfair”.
On Twitter, former president Aoun said that the “corruption mafia” was trying to “destroy the judiciary”, while FPM leader Gebran Bassil accused the “corrupt establishment” of “conspiring against the upright judge, who does not take instructions from anyone”.
For her detractors, this political backing is evidence that her endeavours hide vested interests, which her targets systemically use to discredit the grounds of her cases.
“False and politically motivated”, the prime minister's son, Maher Mikati, had previously told The National, describing Ms Aoun's case against his family, which has since been dropped.
Double standard?
The disciplinary council's move last week did not come as a total surprise.
In February, caretaker interior minister Bassam Mawlawi ordered security forces to stop implementing decisions made by Ms Aoun, following a letter from Mr Mikati asking for legal action to be taken against her.
Ms Aoun said at the time that Mr Mikati was “blatantly interfering in the judiciary”.
While the disciplinary council's decision remains undisclosed, sources have confirmed that it referred to Ms Aoun's failure to consider recusal notices, which require a judge to temporarily remove themselves from a case to avoid a conflict of interest.
The decision also raised concerns regarding her adherence to confidentiality, as the judge frequently expresses her opinions in front of the media and on social networks.
“While mistakes have undoubtedly been made, the magnitude of the sanction against Ms Aoun raises however questions about its proportionality, especially in the context of a corrupt and dysfunctional country where accountability is scarce,” said former justice minister Marie-Claude Najm.
“This also raises questions about the message being sent to the judiciary and the population at large, suggesting a double standard in a judicial system where precedents show less severe repercussions, and sometimes none at all, for corruption or inaction.”
For Lebanese lawyer Karim Daher, her removal is a "judicial assassination".
"She was one of the few who dared tacking highly sensitive financial corruption cases, and used her prerogative to lift banking secrecy. Her use of this tool, only granted to the judiciary without condition, struck fear into the ruling class," he said.
What is next?
The appeal should be ruled by the High Disciplinary Court “in a few months' time by a simple majority”, former president of the Council of State Chucri Sader told The National.
If the council rules for Ms Aoun's removal, there will be “continuity in the cases”, and the interim will be ensured by the highest-ranking attorney general until a new magistrate is appointed.
“The cases that Ghada Aoun was working on will then be handled by the new prosecutor and continue the legal proceedings to ensure there is no vacuum,” he said.
The question at large here is could this be the final chapter in Ms Aoun's long career that started in 1981?
The Mount Lebanon prosecutor still has more to say. Reports suggest that on Tuesday, Ms Aoun initiated legal proceedings against BankMed, a Lebanese bank, citing allegations of money laundering.
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Mercer, the investment consulting arm of US services company Marsh & McLennan, expects its wealth division to at least double its assets under management (AUM) in the Middle East as wealth in the region continues to grow despite economic headwinds, a company official said.
Mercer Wealth, which globally has $160 billion in AUM, plans to boost its AUM in the region to $2-$3bn in the next 2-3 years from the present $1bn, said Yasir AbuShaban, a Dubai-based principal with Mercer Wealth.
“Within the next two to three years, we are looking at reaching $2 to $3 billion as a conservative estimate and we do see an opportunity to do so,” said Mr AbuShaban.
Mercer does not directly make investments, but allocates clients’ money they have discretion to, to professional asset managers. They also provide advice to clients.
“We have buying power. We can negotiate on their (client’s) behalf with asset managers to provide them lower fees than they otherwise would have to get on their own,” he added.
Mercer Wealth’s clients include sovereign wealth funds, family offices, and insurance companies among others.
From its office in Dubai, Mercer also looks after Africa, India and Turkey, where they also see opportunity for growth.
Wealth creation in Middle East and Africa (MEA) grew 8.5 per cent to $8.1 trillion last year from $7.5tn in 2015, higher than last year’s global average of 6 per cent and the second-highest growth in a region after Asia-Pacific which grew 9.9 per cent, according to consultancy Boston Consulting Group (BCG). In the region, where wealth grew just 1.9 per cent in 2015 compared with 2014, a pickup in oil prices has helped in wealth generation.
BCG is forecasting MEA wealth will rise to $12tn by 2021, growing at an annual average of 8 per cent.
Drivers of wealth generation in the region will be split evenly between new wealth creation and growth of performance of existing assets, according to BCG.
Another general trend in the region is clients’ looking for a comprehensive approach to investing, according to Mr AbuShaban.
“Institutional investors or some of the families are seeing a slowdown in the available capital they have to invest and in that sense they are looking at optimizing the way they manage their portfolios and making sure they are not investing haphazardly and different parts of their investment are working together,” said Mr AbuShaban.
Some clients also have a higher appetite for risk, given the low interest-rate environment that does not provide enough yield for some institutional investors. These clients are keen to invest in illiquid assets, such as private equity and infrastructure.
“What we have seen is a desire for higher returns in what has been a low-return environment specifically in various fixed income or bonds,” he said.
“In this environment, we have seen a de facto increase in the risk that clients are taking in things like illiquid investments, private equity investments, infrastructure and private debt, those kind of investments were higher illiquidity results in incrementally higher returns.”
The Abu Dhabi Investment Authority, one of the largest sovereign wealth funds, said in its 2016 report that has gradually increased its exposure in direct private equity and private credit transactions, mainly in Asian markets and especially in China and India. The authority’s private equity department focused on structured equities owing to “their defensive characteristics.”
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