Lebanese youth of all creeds and classes have been protesting against corruption, nepotism and bad government in the past few weeks. But what distinguishes the current protests from previous uprisings is that they are peaceful and open to dialogue.
The refuse-collection crisis has stirred social unrest and highlighted the deteriorating living conditions that have prevailed for years. Public patience reached its limit when mounds of rubbish were left to fester in the capital and other cities in the height of summer.
The government’s inability to find a reasonable solution to the problem became the straw that broke the camel’s back. After two weeks of discussions, the environment minister called for companies to apply for the tender to remove the rubbish. The six companies chosen were found to have conflicts of interest, enraging the public.
The scandal obliged the government to cancel the bidding process and return the responsibility for collecting and recycling rubbish to municipal councils.
Waste management in Lebanon has long been fertile ground for those interested in making money. That is why so many influential people are interested in being involved, directly or indirectly, in this dirty business.
What drove the youth to the streets this time is the huge profit margins the refuse collection industry makes. The "Talaat Rihitkum" faction (literally, "you reek of bad smell") who led the demonstrations are secular young intellectuals of middle-class backgrounds who dream of a better Lebanon. But they were not alone. They were helped by cultural clubs, teachers' syndicates, unions, university professors, students, independents and women's groups. Almost anyone, in fact, who had a grievance with the government participated in the demonstrations demanding jobs, rights and a better future.
A ramshackle social agenda dominated the placards of the protesters, calling for everything from round-the-clock access to electricity to pay rises and from the introduction of a fair rent law to a new president.
The protesters see their political leadership as rotten, especially as Lebanon has become synonymous with exporting expertise and labour, as jobs have become more scarce at home.
Some voices were heard asking simply for change. What they meant is an end to the confessional structure of power and moving towards qualifications and merit in public appointment rather than loyalty to a party, sect or person.
At this stage people are less concerned with revolution and more vexed by the current absence of reform.
Tammam Salam, the prime minister, finds himself in an unfortunate position. Some people pity him as he is trying his best to keep the government together. In every statement he makes he urges parliament to elect a new president. So far many sessions have been called, but no quorum has been reached.
Elements loyal to Christian party leader Michel Aoun and the Shia group Hizbollah boycott these sessions, bringing the process to a grinding halt. The political and sectarian divide is widening. Because of the differences between the rival factions, Lebanon could become a failed state – and this is precisely what the demonstrators fear.
No one expects this movement to solve problems, or that it can perform miracles to a system that has been in crisis for decades.
It is, however, a beginning of a process towards transparency and accountability – concepts new to Lebanon.
The question is: can the political establishment contain the demonstrators, or will the demonstrators unseat the politicians? The only thing we know for sure is they have introduced something new into the country and the voices of discontent cannot be ignored.
Nabih Berri, speaker of the house, was the first to call for dialogue sessions to begin later this week. Only time will tell if these talks bear fruit.
Maha Samara is a journalist in Beirut
