Israel's disconnection with allies and partners has rarely been clearer

Israeli National Security Minister Itamar Ben-Gvir, left, and Israeli Finance Minister Bezalel Smotrich face travel bans and asset freezes. EPA

Tuesday’s decision by the UK to impose sanctions on two ultra-nationalist Israeli ministers means Britain has joined Australia, New Zealand, Canada and Norway in taking the extraordinary step of introducing travel bans and financial restrictions on members of an ostensibly friendly government to these countries.

Perhaps even more extraordinary was the response from one of the ministers concerned. A statement issued by the office of Israeli Finance Minister Bezalel Smotrich the same day confirmed that Israel cancelled a waiver that allowed the country’s banks to work with Palestinian ones. Instead of retaliating against the UK directly, Mr Smotrich instead authorised a move that threatens to paralyse Palestinian financial institutions.

Such intransigence – and its deeply embedded position within the current Israeli government – explains why more and more of the country’s allies and trade partners are losing patience and taking action. Tuesday’s sanctions are the latest example of Israel’s increasing isolation and the substantial diplomatic and political cost it is paying for its war of collective punishment in Gaza and continuing military occupation of Palestinian land.

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UK places sanctions on far-right Israeli ministers Itamar Ben-Gvir and Bezalel Smotrich

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The fact that Mr Smotrich and National Security Minister Itamar Ben-Gvir are determined opponents of a just political settlement of the conflict also highlights the disconnection between Israel’s current leadership and most of the international community. Next week, hundreds of diplomats will gather in New York for a UN summit on the two-state solution, co-chaired by Saudi Arabia and France.

Israel’s leadership has already said it will not attend; that is its choice, but it is a poor one. Determinedly opposing the majority of international opinion – that is in favour of an equitable settlement – puts the onus on Israel to provide a realistic alternative that does not involve further displacement or other illegal policies. If it cannot, then it will be clear that Israel, which is currently led by a divided and precarious coalition with an uncertain future, is on a collision course with the international community, one that may even try the patience of a much more capricious and transactional White House.

The coming UN summit must be bold and ambitious, holding fast to the overall framework of a solution that most of the international community supports: an immediate ceasefire in Gaza, the return of the remaining Israeli hostages, the release of Palestinian detainees as well as a process that leads to Palestinian freedom coupled with security guarantees for Israel.

Sanctions on individual Israeli ministers are a statement that the country needs to think hard about where it is headed

It is a source of frustration that the case for this position has to be made time and again. Arab nations have already said they are ready to play their part, as was made clear in the 2002 Arab Peace Initiative. Last September, while speaking on the sidelines of the UN General Assembly, Jordanian Foreign Minister Ayman Safadi said 57 Muslim and Arab countries were “willing to guarantee the security of Israel in the context of Israel ending the occupation” and allowing for the emergence of a Palestinian state.

However, what the world is witnessing right now on the streets of the West Bank and in the rubble of Gaza is what the absence of a peace process looks like. More partners of Israel are making it clear that this situation is simply unsustainable. Sanctions on individual Israeli ministers are a statement that the country needs to think hard about where it is headed.