All eyes will be on Syria’s transitional President, Ahmad Al Shara, when he arrives in New York next week for the 80th session of the United Nations General Assembly. The symbolism is hard to miss. For the first time in nearly six decades, a Syrian president will address the Assembly.
Even more striking, it will mark the first time a sitting head of state under UN sanctions has taken the podium in person at the organisation’s flagship forum. Beyond the man himself, the visit will signal Syria’s tentative re-emergence after years of political isolation.
Mr Al Shara understands the stakes. He knows he cannot afford vague rhetoric or tired slogans. Based on conversations with informed sources, his speech is expected to centre on three themes: the creation of an inclusive political order that breaks decisively with his predecessor Bashar Al Assad’s legacy; a “zero-problems” foreign policy aimed at reassuring neighbours through co-operation rather than confrontation; and an economic strategy to reposition Syria as a regional hub, shifting it from a battlefield to a driver of trade and growth.
But words alone will not be enough. For sceptical foreign capitals, the real measure will be whether Mr Al Shara’s actions at home will align with his promises abroad. Only then can he prove that Syria is truly embarking on a new chapter.
UNGA will offer Syria its first positive international spotlight in decades. It is a stage for political theatre, with world leaders as its audience. Speeches rarely shift policy overnight, but in the UN chamber words matter. They set expectations, signal intent and help shape global perceptions.
That responsibility will weigh heavily on Mr Al Shara, an interim president who until recently was better known for his former affiliations with Al Qaeda and ISIS than for any role in statecraft. To persuade the international community that his authority rests on legitimacy rather than coercion, Mr Al Shara must use this rare platform to outline a credible strategy for Syria’s transformation.
The case he will make is ambitious but clear: Syria should be seen not as a burden but as a partner, not as a source of instability but as a potential anchor of regional security.
In laying out his political programme, Mr Al Shara is likely to begin by recalling the atrocities of the Assad regime, the suffering endured by millions and the sacrifices made to bring that regime to an end. Against that backdrop, he will sketch an image of a united and inclusive Syria, determined to move beyond decades of violence.
He is expected to highlight progress already achieved in the transition: restoring basic services, filling power vacuums, averting state collapse and beginning the difficult work of building institutions grounded in competence rather than patronage. At the heart of his message will be a pledge to protect all Syrians equally and to ensure inclusion without resorting to sectarian quotas.
Mr Al Shara will also likely acknowledge the challenges that remain. He is expected to cite recent outbreaks of violence, point to their causes and underscore his government’s efforts to respond and hold perpetrators accountable. Partition, he will insist, is a red line: Syria’s sovereignty and territorial integrity must be preserved, and any attempt to undermine them will fail.
Foreign policy will likely form a central pillar of his address. Mr Al Shara is expected to repeat his embrace of a “zero-problem” approach, a deliberate departure from Mr Al Assad’s confrontational and isolationist posture. His message will be that Syria will no longer threaten its neighbours but will instead seek stability through dialogue, co-operation and mutual respect.
He should pledge tighter border controls to curb smuggling and militant activity, an end to the use of Syrian territory for attacks on neighbouring states and the creation of mechanisms to defuse disputes before they escalate. To reassure sceptical capitals, Mr Al Shara could underline that Iran’s military presence in Syria has ended and will not return.
On Israel, Mr Al Shara could cite ongoing talks with that country as proof of his commitment to peace. As he has stated before, his priority is a return to the 1974 disengagement agreement to stabilise southern Syria and lower the risk of renewed conflict. At the same time, he will need to make clear that Syria cannot normalise relations with Israel while the Golan Heights remain under occupation, and emphasise that any Israeli attempt to partition Syria is destined to fail.
The third pillar of Mr Al Shara’s speech will almost certainly be the economy. His message should be that Syria, though scarred by war, is determined to reclaim its role as the economic crossroads of the Levant. Reconstruction will be driven by Syrians, but its government is also keen to invite regional and international partners to invest, portraying Syria not as a ward of humanitarian relief but as a market of opportunity.
Economic recovery, Mr Al Shara could argue, is not simply about rebuilding infrastructure but about transforming Syria into a hub for digital connectivity, agricultural exports and regional trade. A revitalised economy is Syria’s strongest safeguard against relapse into conflict, with stability rooted in prosperity. Plans to modernise ports, extend railways and pipelines, and integrate Syria into global supply chains are expected to feature prominently
Still, the significance of Mr Al Shara’s speech will not be measured by his delivery in New York. Convincing world leaders that Syria has turned a corner will require proof at home. That means demonstrating that unity is more than a slogan by building institutions and a political system that reflect and embrace Syria’s diversity. It means making inclusion genuine, grounded in competence and fairness. And it means upholding the rule of law, ensuring accountability applies equally to all.
If Mr Al Shara can match his domestic record to the commitments he makes in New York, he will have the chance to shift not only Syria’s international image but also its domestic trajectory. Words may set expectations, but actions will determine whether Syria emerges as a stable, unified and inclusive state or remains mired in cycles of mistrust and fragmentation.
