It is easy to look at the way British MPs behaved over calls for a Gaza ceasefire last week and weep.
Faced with the urgent question of how to end the Israel-Gaza war and all its spill-over consequences, there was universal agreement that the fighting must stop. There the unity stopped.
Opposition group the Scottish National Party threw down a challenge to the bigger parties with a motion calling for an immediate ceasefire. What happened next was a meltdown of epic proportions in the 650-member UK Parliament.
The events are still unfolding. But these are not in relation to Gaza where the suffering goes on, nor in relation to diplomatic efforts to bring the Israeli military campaign, launched in the wake of the October 7 Hamas assault, to a halt. What is happening in London is a demonstration that Parliament is dangerously detached from the public.
I take seriously the point that individual MPs feel threatened by hostility from parts of the community. The global point to take, though, is that Parliament is at a juncture where it has failed to represent public opinion.
It is no longer acting as a tribune of the people. Its place in the nation, as the forum where issues of the day are given an airing, has disappeared into a black hole. The working out of common understandings on the most divisive issues should be its foremost task. Now the House of Commons has reached the juncture of not being able to give the opposing sides a full hearing so that the will of the chamber can be expressed.
The events are still unfolding. But these are not in relation to Gaza where the suffering goes on
It is something unprecedented – a failing that cannot be allowed to pass. To those outside the country scratching their heads that Speaker Lindsay Hoyle is under pressure to resign over Gaza, the explanation lies in this collapse of authority for the mother of parliaments.
At the outset, it is true that almost all MPs and leaders desperately want the war to end.
The government has said that it is pursuing a humanitarian pause to get aid to the trapped population. It also wants the hostages returned and insists that Hamas cannot be left in control. The opposition Labour party is also committed to a policy of an immediate humanitarian ceasefire, predicated on the return of the hostages.
Labour MPs are worried about the effect of the policy on their support base. Not just Muslim voters but many others are outraged. A crowd of demonstrators was outside Parliament on Wednesday to peacefully make this point.
Inside the building, the pressure on Labour went into overdrive. Brutal politics then kicked into gear. Shabana Mahmood, the shadow justice secretary and the only Muslim in Labour’s top leadership, warned that there would be frontbench resignations if MPs were not able to vote for a ceasefire that night.
Labour leader Keir Starmer’s office set its sights on its own wording that would give more qualification than the Scottish National Party’s version. But it was the SNP’s opposition day. Suddenly the third party found itself relegated to the end of the debate. Uproar ensued. This turned into chaos when the government announced that it would abandon its own motion, too, because Mr Hoyle had allowed Labour to leapfrog the rule book.
Mr Hoyle has apologised. The look that he was working at Mr Starmer’s behest was not a good one. About 70 MPs – more than 10 per cent of the body – are now backing a no-confidence vote against the Speaker and his removal.
His former colleague Lord Walney has produced a report warning that MPs are in danger as a result of the tensions surrounding UK politics. He has described experiences of “aggressive intimidation” that he says should not be allowed as a measure of protection for the politicians. He wants the government to produce new guidance to police forces to break up the protests, not just outside Parliament, but at other gatherings too.
“And I think we ought to be looking at those sites that are crucial to the functioning of democracy on a national or local level, like MPs’ offices, like local council chambers, like Parliament itself,” he said. “[I want] an easier and a faster process that, where those areas are being encircled by the kind of angry aggressive protests that have that implied sense of threat, as we are seeing, to give the police the ability to disperse them more quickly, which is clearly not happening at the moment.”
Yet the bigger picture is not getting much of a look in. Tell Mama, an organisation that measures anti-Muslim hate, recorded 2,010 cases of abuse between October 7, 2023 and February 7 this year – a more than tripling of incidents. Two thirds of those targeted were Muslim women. Almost half of all hate crimes were directed at Muslims.
The timing of the Westminster farrago for Mr Starmer could not be worse because a new challenge to his position as opposition leader is just over the horizon next week.
Former MP George Galloway, who has made serial comebacks on the back of his long history of campaigning on Palestinian issues, is reportedly a frontrunner for the vacant seat of Rochdale. The bombastic, hat-wearing street fighter will have to overcome Azhar Ali, the Labour’s official candidate but for whom the party recently withdrew its support after his controversial remarks about Israel.
He remains on the ballot but if his zombie campaign fails, Mr Starmer will have to endure yet another maiden speech by Mr Galloway playing to the galleries of protest.
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Why are asylum seekers being housed in hotels?
The number of asylum applications in the UK has reached a new record high, driven by those illegally entering the country in small boats crossing the English Channel.
A total of 111,084 people applied for asylum in the UK in the year to June 2025, the highest number for any 12-month period since current records began in 2001.
Asylum seekers and their families can be housed in temporary accommodation while their claim is assessed.
The Home Office provides the accommodation, meaning asylum seekers cannot choose where they live.
When there is not enough housing, the Home Office can move people to hotels or large sites like former military bases.
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Mercer, the investment consulting arm of US services company Marsh & McLennan, expects its wealth division to at least double its assets under management (AUM) in the Middle East as wealth in the region continues to grow despite economic headwinds, a company official said.
Mercer Wealth, which globally has $160 billion in AUM, plans to boost its AUM in the region to $2-$3bn in the next 2-3 years from the present $1bn, said Yasir AbuShaban, a Dubai-based principal with Mercer Wealth.
“Within the next two to three years, we are looking at reaching $2 to $3 billion as a conservative estimate and we do see an opportunity to do so,” said Mr AbuShaban.
Mercer does not directly make investments, but allocates clients’ money they have discretion to, to professional asset managers. They also provide advice to clients.
“We have buying power. We can negotiate on their (client’s) behalf with asset managers to provide them lower fees than they otherwise would have to get on their own,” he added.
Mercer Wealth’s clients include sovereign wealth funds, family offices, and insurance companies among others.
From its office in Dubai, Mercer also looks after Africa, India and Turkey, where they also see opportunity for growth.
Wealth creation in Middle East and Africa (MEA) grew 8.5 per cent to $8.1 trillion last year from $7.5tn in 2015, higher than last year’s global average of 6 per cent and the second-highest growth in a region after Asia-Pacific which grew 9.9 per cent, according to consultancy Boston Consulting Group (BCG). In the region, where wealth grew just 1.9 per cent in 2015 compared with 2014, a pickup in oil prices has helped in wealth generation.
BCG is forecasting MEA wealth will rise to $12tn by 2021, growing at an annual average of 8 per cent.
Drivers of wealth generation in the region will be split evenly between new wealth creation and growth of performance of existing assets, according to BCG.
Another general trend in the region is clients’ looking for a comprehensive approach to investing, according to Mr AbuShaban.
“Institutional investors or some of the families are seeing a slowdown in the available capital they have to invest and in that sense they are looking at optimizing the way they manage their portfolios and making sure they are not investing haphazardly and different parts of their investment are working together,” said Mr AbuShaban.
Some clients also have a higher appetite for risk, given the low interest-rate environment that does not provide enough yield for some institutional investors. These clients are keen to invest in illiquid assets, such as private equity and infrastructure.
“What we have seen is a desire for higher returns in what has been a low-return environment specifically in various fixed income or bonds,” he said.
“In this environment, we have seen a de facto increase in the risk that clients are taking in things like illiquid investments, private equity investments, infrastructure and private debt, those kind of investments were higher illiquidity results in incrementally higher returns.”
The Abu Dhabi Investment Authority, one of the largest sovereign wealth funds, said in its 2016 report that has gradually increased its exposure in direct private equity and private credit transactions, mainly in Asian markets and especially in China and India. The authority’s private equity department focused on structured equities owing to “their defensive characteristics.”
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