Young volunteers on the campaign for Amira Aisya Abd Aziz, secretary-general of Malaysian United Democratic Alliance (MUDA), in Puteri Wangsa, Johor, Malaysia. Nearly 7 million new voters will be eligible to cast their ballots this month. Bloomberg
Young volunteers on the campaign for Amira Aisya Abd Aziz, secretary-general of Malaysian United Democratic Alliance (MUDA), in Puteri Wangsa, Johor, Malaysia. Nearly 7 million new voters will be eligible to cast their ballots this month. Bloomberg
Young volunteers on the campaign for Amira Aisya Abd Aziz, secretary-general of Malaysian United Democratic Alliance (MUDA), in Puteri Wangsa, Johor, Malaysia. Nearly 7 million new voters will be eligible to cast their ballots this month. Bloomberg
Young volunteers on the campaign for Amira Aisya Abd Aziz, secretary-general of Malaysian United Democratic Alliance (MUDA), in Puteri Wangsa, Johor, Malaysia. Nearly 7 million new voters will be elig


Malaysia's general election this month will be unlike its others


  • English
  • Arabic

November 02, 2022

For decades, Malaysians have been used to three things being true about their elections. There were two sides, with the sprawling Barisan Nasional (BN) coalition being opposed by what was often a combination of Chinese, reformist Malay, and Islamist parties. The BN always won. But it did so with a sufficiently convincing majority of the vote that no matter what the complaints, it could not be denied that these were fiercely fought democratic elections.

That changed slightly in 2013, when the then opposition won the popular vote but not a majority in parliament; and drastically in 2018 when the new Pakatan Harapan (PH) coalition led to the first ever defeat for the BN.

This general election on November 19, however, will be totally different to any the country has ever experienced. Firstly, the electorate has increased enormously, as nearly seven million people have been automatically registered to vote under a new law that also lowered the voting age to 18 from 21. No one can be certain for whom the young will cast their ballots, if they do so at all.

Secondly, in peninsular Malaysia, which is home to 166 of the 222 parliamentary seats, there will be a competitive three way split for the first time. BN, led by current prime minister Ismail Sabri, will be fighting PH, led by the former deputy prime minister Anwar Ibrahim, but also the Perikatan Nasional (PN) alliance, composed chiefly of Bersatu, the party headed by Mr Ismail’s predecessor as premier, Muhyiddin Yassin, and the Islamist party PAS.

People at a restaurant watch the announcement by Malaysian Prime Minister Ismail Sabri Yaakob dissolving the parliament and calling for general elections, in Kuala Lumpur, on October 10. Reuters
People at a restaurant watch the announcement by Malaysian Prime Minister Ismail Sabri Yaakob dissolving the parliament and calling for general elections, in Kuala Lumpur, on October 10. Reuters
Members of the Alliance of Hope (Pakatan Harapan) party at a convention in Ipoh, Perak, Malaysia, on October 20. Bloomberg
Members of the Alliance of Hope (Pakatan Harapan) party at a convention in Ipoh, Perak, Malaysia, on October 20. Bloomberg

Two state elections over the past year, in Melaka and Johor, show what can happen when the three face off against each other. In Melaka, BN won 38 per cent of the vote, and 21 out of the 28 seats in the state assembly. PH won 36 per cent of the vote, but only five seats, while PN took 24 per cent of the vote and a mere two seats. In Johor, BN won 43 per cent of the vote, which resulted in 40 out of the 56 seats available. PH won 26 per cent, and 12 seats. PN won 24 per cent, but only three seats, with the final seat going to a youth party linked to PH.

Whichever coalition wins, Malaysia needs a return to stability

Significantly, although the approval rating of the Mr Ismail’s interim government is 38 per cent, according to the independent Merdeka Centre pollsters – and that is one per cent lower than what they found just before the 2018 election that ousted the BN for the first time – this time there is no united opposition.

Malaysians are so used to the idea that you win elections by having 50 per cent or more of the vote, that when I once told my former colleagues at the country’s Institute of Strategic and International Studies that Tony Blair won his last UK general election with 35 per cent, they almost fell off their chairs. They may be about to see, however, just how much the first past the post election system can produce results that are wildly at odds with the number of votes cast. With a three way split, if the Melaka and Johor results were reproduced nationally, BN could win an overall majority without even needing the support of its traditional allies in the Borneo states of Sabah and Sarawak. That is unlikely. PH will expect to hold on to its urban strongholds, while PN should do well in the northern and eastern rural areas where PAS has often ruled at the state level.

Former Malaysia's Prime Minister Najib Razak (L) and Malaysia's opposition leader Anwar Ibrahim (R) fist-bump during a public debate in Kuala Lumpur, on May 12. EPA
Former Malaysia's Prime Minister Najib Razak (L) and Malaysia's opposition leader Anwar Ibrahim (R) fist-bump during a public debate in Kuala Lumpur, on May 12. EPA

Outside observers may be wondering though how it has come to pass that the BN returning to power after being convincingly booted out in 2018 is now a serious prospect. Part of the answer is that that was an exceptionally polarised election. PH supporters painted the then BN government of Najib Razak – whose economic transformation programme earned consistent praise from the World Bank and the International Monetary Fund – as being on a par with the forces of the Dark Lord Sauron in JRR Tolkien’s Lord of the Rings. They, on the other hand, were supposedly corruption-free reformists who would bring about an array of changes, some liberal, some populist. But they could not deliver. As PH’s prime minister, Dr Mahathir Mohamad, admitted a few months after their victory: “We made a thick manifesto with all kinds of promises” because, “actually we did not expect to win.”

That may win marks for candour, but can hardly be expected to retain the trust of voters who expected better than the constant arguments, the failure to ratify accords such as the UN International Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Racial Discrimination, and what one chief executive described to me as the “witch hunt” of all corporate and government figures, no matter how talented, who had any association with the Najib government.

The PH government fell in February 2020, with one of its parties, Bersatu, then joining BN and PAS in the government headed by Mr Muhyiddin, which then changed again in August 2021 when Mr Ismail took over while presiding over essentially the same administration. Just about everyone has been in power at one point or another over the past four years, so there is no serious contender that can claim the purity of opposition. Disappointed liberals, always a tiny minority in any case, have no serious party to flock to that has not been tarnished by the compromises of government.

The political instability of the past few years may well, however, have resulted in too many compromises, notwithstanding the chaos the pandemic caused both globally and locally. What Malaysia needs – and this applies whichever coalition wins – is a return to stability. That is what the country had under the BN from 1957 to 2018, when “Who will save Malaysia?” was PH’s pitiful cry. BN supporters asked why the country needed saving from years of sterling growth, record foreign direct investment, a history of punching above its size in organisations such as the Association of Southeast Asian Nations and the Organisation of Islamic Co-operation, and a series of economic and political reforms that increased prosperity and, to a degree, personal freedom.

Whichever government can return to that track – regardless of whether it is the BN, PH or PN – will be doing what the country requires. Otherwise, as many have said, Malaysia faces the dire prospect of a “lost decade”, permanently stuck in the middle income trap, and adrift from the model of a moderate, multiracial, successful and harmonious society that it once was.

Jewel of the Expo 2020

252 projectors installed on Al Wasl dome

13.6km of steel used in the structure that makes it equal in length to 16 Burj Khalifas

550 tonnes of moulded steel were raised last year to cap the dome

724,000 cubic metres is the space it encloses

Stands taller than the leaning tower of Pisa

Steel trellis dome is one of the largest single structures on site

The size of 16 tennis courts and weighs as much as 500 elephants

Al Wasl means connection in Arabic

World’s largest 360-degree projection surface

On the menu

First course

▶ Emirati sea bass tartare Yuzu and labneh mayo, avocado, green herbs, fermented tomato water  

▶ The Tale of the Oyster Oyster tartare, Bahraini gum berry pickle

Second course

▶ Local mackerel Sourdough crouton, baharat oil, red radish, zaatar mayo

▶ One Flew Over the Cuckoo’s Nest Quail, smoked freekeh, cinnamon cocoa

Third course

▶ Bahraini bouillabaisse Venus clams, local prawns, fishfarm seabream, farro

▶ Lamb 2 ways Braised lamb, crispy lamb chop, bulgur, physalis

Dessert

▶ Lumi Black lemon ice cream, pistachio, pomegranate

▶ Black chocolate bar Dark chocolate, dates, caramel, camel milk ice cream
 

THE CLOWN OF GAZA

Director: Abdulrahman Sabbah 

Starring: Alaa Meqdad

Rating: 4/5

UAE currency: the story behind the money in your pockets
UPI facts

More than 2.2 million Indian tourists arrived in UAE in 2023
More than 3.5 million Indians reside in UAE
Indian tourists can make purchases in UAE using rupee accounts in India through QR-code-based UPI real-time payment systems
Indian residents in UAE can use their non-resident NRO and NRE accounts held in Indian banks linked to a UAE mobile number for UPI transactions

UAE currency: the story behind the money in your pockets
CHATGPT%20ENTERPRISE%20FEATURES
%3Cp%3E%E2%80%A2%20Enterprise-grade%20security%20and%20privacy%3C%2Fp%3E%0A%3Cp%3E%E2%80%A2%20Unlimited%20higher-speed%20GPT-4%20access%20with%20no%20caps%3C%2Fp%3E%0A%3Cp%3E%E2%80%A2%20Longer%20context%20windows%20for%20processing%20longer%20inputs%3C%2Fp%3E%0A%3Cp%3E%E2%80%A2%20Advanced%20data%20analysis%20capabilities%3C%2Fp%3E%0A%3Cp%3E%E2%80%A2%20Customisation%20options%3C%2Fp%3E%0A%3Cp%3E%E2%80%A2%20Shareable%20chat%20templates%20that%20companies%20can%20use%20to%20collaborate%20and%20build%20common%20workflows%3C%2Fp%3E%0A%3Cp%3E%E2%80%A2%20Analytics%20dashboard%20for%20usage%20insights%3C%2Fp%3E%0A%3Cp%3E%E2%80%A2%20Free%20credits%20to%20use%20OpenAI%20APIs%20to%20extend%20OpenAI%20into%20a%20fully-custom%20solution%20for%20enterprises%3C%2Fp%3E%0A
Ferrari 12Cilindri specs

Engine: naturally aspirated 6.5-liter V12

Power: 819hp

Torque: 678Nm at 7,250rpm

Price: From Dh1,700,000

Available: Now

Visit Abu Dhabi culinary team's top Emirati restaurants in Abu Dhabi

Yadoo’s House Restaurant & Cafe

For the karak and Yoodo's house platter with includes eggs, balaleet, khamir and chebab bread.

Golden Dallah

For the cappuccino, luqaimat and aseeda.

Al Mrzab Restaurant

For the shrimp murabian and Kuwaiti options including Kuwaiti machboos with kebab and spicy sauce.

Al Derwaza

For the fish hubul, regag bread, biryani and special seafood soup. 

Conflict, drought, famine

Estimates of the number of deaths caused by the famine range from 400,000 to 1 million, according to a document prepared for the UK House of Lords in 2024.
It has been claimed that the policies of the Ethiopian government, which took control after deposing Emperor Haile Selassie in a military-led revolution in 1974, contributed to the scale of the famine.
Dr Miriam Bradley, senior lecturer in humanitarian studies at the University of Manchester, has argued that, by the early 1980s, “several government policies combined to cause, rather than prevent, a famine which lasted from 1983 to 1985. Mengistu’s government imposed Stalinist-model agricultural policies involving forced collectivisation and villagisation [relocation of communities into planned villages].
The West became aware of the catastrophe through a series of BBC News reports by journalist Michael Buerk in October 1984 describing a “biblical famine” and containing graphic images of thousands of people, including children, facing starvation.

Band Aid

Bob Geldof, singer with the Irish rock group The Boomtown Rats, formed Band Aid in response to the horrific images shown in the news broadcasts.
With Midge Ure of the band Ultravox, he wrote the hit charity single Do They Know it’s Christmas in December 1984, featuring a string of high-profile musicians.
Following the single’s success, the idea to stage a rock concert evolved.
Live Aid was a series of simultaneous concerts that took place at Wembley Stadium in London, John F Kennedy Stadium in Philadelphia, the US, and at various other venues across the world.
The combined event was broadcast to an estimated worldwide audience of 1.5 billion.

While you're here
Key facilities
  • Olympic-size swimming pool with a split bulkhead for multi-use configurations, including water polo and 50m/25m training lanes
  • Premier League-standard football pitch
  • 400m Olympic running track
  • NBA-spec basketball court with auditorium
  • 600-seat auditorium
  • Spaces for historical and cultural exploration
  • An elevated football field that doubles as a helipad
  • Specialist robotics and science laboratories
  • AR and VR-enabled learning centres
  • Disruption Lab and Research Centre for developing entrepreneurial skills
BRIEF SCORES

England 228-7, 50 overs
N Sciver 51; J Goswami 3-23

India 219, 48.4 overs
P Raut 86, H Kaur 51; A Shrubsole 6-46

England won by nine runs

Living in...

This article is part of a guide on where to live in the UAE. Our reporters will profile some of the country’s most desirable districts, provide an estimate of rental prices and introduce you to some of the residents who call each area home.

How to get there

Emirates (www.emirates.com) flies directly to Hanoi, Vietnam, with fares starting from around Dh2,725 return, while Etihad (www.etihad.com) fares cost about Dh2,213 return with a stop. Chuong is 25 kilometres south of Hanoi.
 

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Updated: November 02, 2022, 4:00 AM`