Raghida Dergham is the founder and executive chairwoman of the Beirut Institute, and a columnist for The National
October 24, 2021
Earlier in the week, I attended the Valdai Club’s 18th annual conference in Sochi for discussions on Russia’s strategic priorities. This year’s theme was “Global shake-up in the 21st century: the individual, values, and the state”.
Remarkably, the Middle East was absent as a topic of discussion this time. Attendees from the region were also small in number. This was an indication that Russians are lately less focused on our region than they are on their own country’s place in the world, its strategic options, its alliances and how to remain a superpower.
One of Russia’s challenges today is finding its rightful place in the league of superpowers. It has been sandwiched between the giants of yesterday and today, including the US, China and Europe. But where does Russia stand vis-a-vis the rest? Is it, like is sometimes suggested, a junior partner of China? After all, Russians don’t view their country as anything less than an empire. Moscow has long been suspicious of the West, particularly Europe, but how must it deal with the US? Moreover, Russia’s is not a top-five economy. In which case, is the essence of Russia more about its identity and its status as a geopolitical actor?
These are tricky questions and I came away with the impression that the country is facing complicated choices with regard to its alliances and relationships in a world in flux.
A potential Russia-China alliance, for instance, seems beneficial to Moscow in the short term. But it is fraught with risk over the long term for geographic, demographic and economic reasons. There are concerns in Russia that their country could, eventually, be effectively overshadowed by China.
Russia-Europe ties, meanwhile, are rooted in history and culture. But the likelihood of an alliance is minimal, given how different their respective political values are. The Europeans keep hankering over human rights as an issue, while Moscow sees any finger-pointing from Brussels as a pretext to meddle in its internal affairs. Also, Russia does not see a reason to adopt democratic values as defined by the West.
Russia’s relationship with Europe is also complicated by the latter’s association with the US. Which brings us to the possibility of a Russia-America alliance. One source of tension between the two countries, as one expert put it to me in Sochi, is that the US has been loath to view Russia as an equal partner.
So how does Russia engage with its three fellow superpowers? According to some Russian experts, it’s possible for Moscow to strike an “equilibrium” with China and Europe.
A group of naval vessels from China and Russia sails during joint military drills in the Sea of Japan earlier in the week. Reuters
There is strong co-operation between Russia and China in Central Asia, where the former provides security through military presence, and the latter offers developmental funds. The region is currently a source of great anxiety for Moscow, especially after the US’s withdrawal from Afghanistan. From Tajikistan to Turkmenistan and elsewhere in the Caucasus, Russia’s priority is stability – which, in the Russian sense, means political and ideological stability. Moscow worries about an uncontrollable influx of migrants, some of whom may be inspired by extremist groups such as Al Qaeda and ISIS.
Withdrawal of US-led forces from Afghanistan has undermined Russian strategy. Whether or not this was part of Washington’s ploy to lure Russia and China into Afghanistan – as some have claimed – there is little doubt that Russia once again finds itself at the heart of the Afghan question. It is, therefore, focused on containing the crisis and the possible subsequent threat of a terror contagion via Central Asia.
As for Europe, the Kremlin does not enjoy a friendly equation with the EU as a whole. Moscow has even been increasingly unhappy with some member states, notably Germany and France, for different, mostly economic reasons, ranging from sanctions to the gas supplies. Some of the sources of their friction emanate from outside the continent. Russia and France, for instance, have a clash of interests in parts of Africa and inside Lebanon. And yet, Moscow has cultivated favourable relations with other countries within the 27-member bloc.
Russia, meanwhile, also maintains pragmatic relations with countries outside the league of superpowers, such as Turkey and Iran, two players with outsized roles in the Middle East and Central Asia.
Turkish President Recep Tayyip Erdogan and his Russian counterpart Vladimir Putin shake hands to mark the completion of the sea part of the TurkStream gas pipeline, in Istanbul in 2018. Reuters
As was made apparent to me in Sochi this week, Russian-Turkish trade relations are deep and perhaps paralleled only by Moscow's trade relations with Israel. Both Russia and Turkey have some commonalities, too: for instance, they still hark back to a time when they were large and powerful empires.
Ties with Iran are different in substance. Deep economic or historical linkages don’t exist just yet, neither do cultural or ideological threads. As one expert put it to me, Iran is simply a “political partner” to Russia in war-torn Syria, where both governments are allied to the Assad regime.
What these ties suggest, in a nutshell, is that Russia remains open to creating a network of regional alliances that are entirely pragmatic in nature. An example of this is the so-called Astana Process, which brings together Russia, Turkey and Iran, all of which have different interests in Syria.
Curiously, according to Mr Putin himself, only the values that underpin Russia can pave the way for his country to emerge from any crisis – whether it is dealing with external shocks or adapting to change. Few solutions, he has insisted, are achieved through uprisings or revolutions. Indeed, the president has presented himself as a leader who espouses healthy conservatism, abhors extremism and knows how to position his country in the world. He also tends to push back against the notion that global problems require global solutions, as that would mean making certain compromises on national sovereignty.
Yet, it is evident that a healthy dose of pragmatism has been just as important a feature of how the Russian government has dealt with the myriad challenges the country faced over the years – and also how it continues to build relationships around the world.
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'The worst thing you can eat'
Trans fat is typically found in fried and baked goods, but you may be consuming more than you think.
Powdered coffee creamer, microwave popcorn and virtually anything processed with a crust is likely to contain it, as this guide from Mayo Clinic outlines:
Baked goods - Most cakes, cookies, pie crusts and crackers contain shortening, which is usually made from partially hydrogenated vegetable oil. Ready-made frosting is another source of trans fat.
Snacks - Potato, corn and tortilla chips often contain trans fat. And while popcorn can be a healthy snack, many types of packaged or microwave popcorn use trans fat to help cook or flavour the popcorn.
Fried food - Foods that require deep frying — french fries, doughnuts and fried chicken — can contain trans fat from the oil used in the cooking process.
Refrigerator dough - Products such as canned biscuits and cinnamon rolls often contain trans fat, as do frozen pizza crusts.
Creamer and margarine - Nondairy coffee creamer and stick margarines also may contain partially hydrogenated vegetable oils.
Position: legal consultant with Al Rowaad Advocates and Legal Consultants.
The advice provided in our columns does not constitute legal advice and is provided for information only. Readers are encouraged to seek independent legal advice.
ICC Intercontinental Cup
UAE squad Rohan Mustafa (captain), Chirag Suri, Shaiman Anwar, Rameez Shahzad, Mohammed Usman, Adnan Mufti, Saqlain Haider, Ahmed Raza, Mohammed Naveed, Imran Haider, Qadeer Ahmed, Mohammed Boota, Amir Hayat, Ashfaq Ahmed
Fixtures Nov 29-Dec 2
UAE v Afghanistan, Zayed Cricket Stadium, Abu Dhabi
Hong Kong v Papua New Guinea, Sharjah Cricket Stadium
Saturday
Brescia v Atalanta (6pm)
Genoa v Torino (9pm)
Fiorentina v Lecce (11.45pm)
Sunday
Juventus v Sassuolo (3.30pm)
Inter Milan v SPAL (6pm)
Lazio v Udinese (6pm)
Parma v AC Milan (6pm)
Napoli v Bologna (9pm)
Verona v AS Roma (11.45pm)
Monday
Cagliari v Sampdoria (11.45pm)
World Series
Game 1: Red Sox 8, Dodgers 4 Game 2: Red Sox 4, Dodgers 2 Game 3: Saturday (UAE)
* if needed
Game 4: Sunday Game 5: Monday Game 6: Wednesday Game 7: Thursday
Nigel Farage told Reform's annual conference that the party will proscribe the Muslim Brotherhood if he becomes Prime Minister. "We will stop dangerous organisations with links to terrorism operating in our country," he said. "Quite why we've been so gutless about this – both Labour and Conservative – I don't know. “All across the Middle East, countries have banned and proscribed the Muslim Brotherhood as a dangerous organisation. We will do the very same.” It is 10 years since a ground-breaking report into the Muslim Brotherhood by Sir John Jenkins. Among the former diplomat's findings was an assessment that “the use of extreme violence in the pursuit of the perfect Islamic society” has “never been institutionally disowned” by the movement. The prime minister at the time, David Cameron, who commissioned the report, said membership or association with the Muslim Brotherhood was a "possible indicator of extremism" but it would not be banned.