The UK version of the Trump-Musk clash, starring Nigel Farage

Reform party leader Nigel Farage, centre, and party chairman Zia Yusuf, left, after the Runcorn and Helsby by-election results on May 2. Reuters

Politics is always about real ideas and policies, but it can also simply be just about personal animosities and feuds. The trick is to know the difference. The Trump-Musk feud dominates news coverage worldwide. There’s plenty of froth but underneath there are also serious questions about the direction of the Trump administration’s economic and tariff policies.

In Britain, too, there are signs of huge political changes under way along with froth-filled personal animosities and rivalries. Nigel Farage, in his latest incarnation as leader of the Reform party, has seriously undermined support for the Conservative party.

Mr Farage boasts of being the real opposition to the Labour government. But as with US President Donald Trump, his political history is full of personality clashes and internal rows. The latest came when Reform party chairman Zia Yusuf suddenly quit last week raising further questions about the Farage leadership style.

Mr Yusuf is a successful businessman, a British Muslim of Sri Lankan heritage and a significant cash donor to Reform. He recently claimed the party could win 400 MPs and make Nigel Farage prime minister. Well, possibly. But Mr Yusuf then suddenly announced: “I no longer believe working to get a Reform government elected is a good use of my time, and hereby resign” as party chairman.

Splits, internal feuds and unpleasant battles with donors and others have for years dogged Mr Farage’s many political reincarnations. British news organisations list rows and breaks with once prominent party names including Godfrey Bloom, Suzanne Evans, Ben Habib, Douglas Carswell, Diane James, Patrick O'Flynn and more recently Rupert Lowe and then Zia Yusuf. Rupert Lowe is still an MP but quit Reform and is in parliament as an independent. Zia Yusuf quit as chairman but then two days later is suddenly back in a new role. He blamed overwork and exhaustion for the temporary split, but that’s only part of the Reform party story.

Splits, internal feuds and unpleasant battles with donors and others have for years doggedFarage’s many political reincarnations

Mr Farage has considerable personal charisma. He is a media favourite. One of the BBC’s most popular political programmes, Question Time, has featured Mr Farage an estimated 38 times causing opponents to criticise the BBC for pandering to populism. And now Mr Farage claims – and some fear – a significant Reform breakthrough.

The party did well in recent English local elections. The opinion polls are looking good. Reform won an English by-election giving the party their fifth MP, Sarah Pochin. A former Conservative government adviser, Dominic Cummings, recently (perhaps mischievously) suggests Mr Farage could become prime minister at the next election. Anything is possible, but that would require Reform to add more than 320 new MPs to the current five, and a general election may not happen for four years.

Yet, beyond the boasts, Mr Yusuf’s resignation and surprising return is very revealing. He is one of the most prominent Muslim figures in British political life in a party that has very few notable Muslim members. Mr Farage has often built his appeal on opposing migration and trumpeting supposedly “traditional patriotic” white Christian and working class “British” values.

Significantly Mr Yusuf resigned after the first parliamentary question by Ms Pochin, the new Reform MP. She asked British Prime Minister Keir Starmer if he would “in the interests of public safety - follow the lead of France, Denmark, Belgium and others, and ban the burqa?”

Even discussing a burqa ban is not high on the political agenda of most current MPs or the government, but the question was in the true Farage insurgent mould. It’s potentially a very divisive issue affecting a tiny minority of Britain’s very diverse Muslim communities.

To some commentators, Ms Pochin’s burqa question therefore sounded like an attempt to exploit cultural divisions, a headline-grabbing example of the old Farage style, potentially creating problems for the new Farage image. Mr Starmer ignored the question and instead made a political joke at Ms Pochin’s expense.

The Reform party later insisted that banning the burqa is not even their own party policy - so why raise the question? Critics often see the burqa question as “dog whistle” politics, trying to exploit potential divisions for political gain.

Mr Yusuf’s resignation followed immediately after the question was asked. He bluntly pointed out that banning the burqa is not even Reform party policy, and so "I do think it's dumb for a party to ask the Prime Minister if they would do something the party itself wouldn't do.” Dumb, yes. Divisive, certainly. Damaging? Undoubtedly. And now reversed.

Mr Yusuf is back in a slightly different role and it is clear that Mr Farage is trying to widen support beyond England. He undoubtedly recognises that the burqa row may energise a few existing Reform voters but probably turns off many potential converts to the party.

Either way, Reform picked up a good showing (it came third) in a Scottish parliament election last week. Mr Farage is now campaigning hard in Wales. His previous political parties made headlines, attracted protest voters and were full of internal rows and divisions. He needs to change and widen his appeal. There is froth but Mr Farage is also very serious now about seeking power. Keeping Mr Yusuf in the party proves it.