Palestinian families on a beach in Gaza. Israel controls all border crossings in and out of the strip. EPA
Palestinian families on a beach in Gaza. Israel controls all border crossings in and out of the strip. EPA
Palestinian families on a beach in Gaza. Israel controls all border crossings in and out of the strip. EPA
Palestinian families on a beach in Gaza. Israel controls all border crossings in and out of the strip. EPA

Food in a bottle: Symbolic gesture highlights Egypt’s Gaza dilemma


Hamza Hendawi
  • English
  • Arabic

An Egyptian man in a widely shared video clip throws a partially filled plastic bottle with rice into the Mediterranean and prays that it reaches the starving in Gaza.

"Forgive us!" he pleads, addressing the Palestinians in the war-devastated enclave that borders Egypt. "God, please take this away and deliver it to Gaza!"

The food-in-a-bottle gesture quickly resonated in Egypt, where unconditional support for the Palestinian cause and anti-Israeli sentiment are ingrained in the hearts and minds of most of its 107 million people.

Girls in the Sinai Peninsula, which neighbours Gaza, have now been filling bottles with rice and lentils and casting them into the sea.

“These are from the children of Sinai to the children of Gaza,” said one girl as she poured lentils into a plastic bottle. Another clip appears to show a man in Gaza retrieving one of the makeshift donations.

"Our Egyptian brothers, one bottle has arrived," the man joyfully announces as he stands with the sea behind him.

Some have suggested using balloons to send food to Gaza, with a warning that the wind direction and speed must be carefully calculated before release.

"Tell us if this can work because maybe it can be the beginning of hope and we can all tell God on judgment day that it was all we could do," Faten wrote on a social media platform.

Starvation and daily killings in Gaza have stoked public anger around the world. AFP
Starvation and daily killings in Gaza have stoked public anger around the world. AFP

On Sunday, relief aid began entering Gaza from Egypt alongside air drops by Jordan and the UAE after Israel temporarily eased restrictions on the entry of humanitarian assistance into the strip.

That will likely bring an end to the social media storm stirred by the food-in-a-bottle video, but the broader challenges the Gaza war poses for Egypt’s government are far from over.

Delicate position

The Gaza war and its fallout have left Egypt with the delicate and complex task of balancing its national interests with its historical role as the leading champion of the Palestinian cause.

At stake is its 1979 peace treaty with Israel that is widely viewed as a cornerstone of the current regional order and the foundation of nearly 50 years of close ties between Egypt and the US, by far Israel's closest western backer and the donor of billions of dollars in aid to Egypt over the years.

The US-sponsored treaty has often looked fragile, even irrelevant, with the Gaza war and Egypt's repeated condemnation of Israel's actions causing relations to plummet to their lowest since 1979.

Another balancing act thrown up by the Gaza war is Egypt's close working relationship with Hamas – designated a terrorist group by the US and European Union – which came about as a by-product of Cairo's joint mediation alongside Qatar and the US to end the conflict.

Gazans have been living under an Israeli siege since a ceasefire collapsed in March. AFP
Gazans have been living under an Israeli siege since a ceasefire collapsed in March. AFP

An equally foreboding challenge for Egypt is to stop Israel from making life so difficult or even impossible for Palestinians in Gaza that they would cross the border to settle in the sparsely populated Sinai, a scenario that Cairo sees as a threat to its national security that would hollow out the Palestinian cause.

Since the war began, President Abdel Fattah El Sisi's government has repeatedly sought to ease public discontent over the conflict, and, in a similar vein, other regional crises such as those in Libya and Sudan, as well as the Nile water dispute with Ethiopia.

Egypt and Gaza are closely tied by social and political bonds. Egypt is the only Arab nation that shares a border with the Strip. The coastal enclave has consistently been part of Egyptian empires dating back to Pharaonic times. Most Gaza families have an Egyptian connection through centuries of intermarriage or tribal ties across the border in Egypt's Sinai Peninsula. In the modern era, Egypt administered Gaza between 1948 and 1967, when Israel captured the enclave along with Sinai and the West Bank.

The growing anger among Egyptians over the humanitarian crisis in Gaza has reached a level that has compelled Mr El Sisi to address the nation on Monday, to debunk accusations that it was not doing enough to end the war.

"Don't ever think that we could ever play a negative role towards our brothers in Palestine, or that we would do that because of the gravity of the situation," he said in the televised address. "We play a role that's honest, sincere, respectable and honourable. That never changed and never will."

The potential for public discontent over Gaza spilling over is seen by some as realistic, particularly as many Egyptians are already struggling with rising prices for everyday goods and services, a challenge some associate with broader issues in government policy.

Al Azhar mosque in Cairo retracted a statement on Gaza amid rumours of Egyptian government pressure. AFP
Al Azhar mosque in Cairo retracted a statement on Gaza amid rumours of Egyptian government pressure. AFP

Street demonstrations in Egypt are barred without a permit, including those in support of Palestinians in Gaza or criticising Israel. When limited protests were allowed in the early days of the war, some demonstrators chanted anti-government slogans and attempted to occupy a central Cairo square, the symbolic heart of the 2011 uprising that led to the end of Hosni Mubarak’s 29-year rule.

'Feeble accusations'

Deepening the government's predicament, Al Azhar issued a strongly-worded statement accusing Israel of genocide in Gaza, condemning what it called the international silence over the famine there, and bemoaning a lack of concrete action to feed starving Palestinians.

Millions read the statement and shared it online before Al Azhar withdrew it and released a follow-up, saying it had "bravely" taken it off social media out of a sense of responsibility before God, to spare the Palestinians more bloodshed and not interfere with efforts to reach a ceasefire. The message made no mention of any government directive.

Meanwhile, activists have been calling on the government for weeks to open Egypt's border crossing to allow food and other essential items through.

Egypt's President Abdel Fattah El Sisi is under pressure. AFP
Egypt's President Abdel Fattah El Sisi is under pressure. AFP

For its part, the government has insisted it was Israel, whose military occupies the Gaza side of the border, that closed the crossing. Sending humanitarian aid to Gaza without co-ordination with Israel could lead to armed clashes and possibly war, pro-government commentators argued.

"Egypt emphasises the shallowness and lack of logic in those feeble accusations," the Foreign Ministry said.

"Their content runs contrary to Egypt's positions and interests while ignoring the role it has been – and is – playing since the start of Israel's aggression against Gaza, whether the tireless efforts to reach a ceasefire, relief operations and the entry of humanitarian assistance through the Rafah crossing," it added.

It accused "some malicious groups and parties" – Egyptian parlance that refers, among others, to the banned Muslim Brotherhood - of what it described as a campaign designed to turn attention from what caused the humanitarian crisis in Gaza. It called on Egyptians to exercise "extreme caution" when dealing with those "lies".

Mercer, the investment consulting arm of US services company Marsh & McLennan, expects its wealth division to at least double its assets under management (AUM) in the Middle East as wealth in the region continues to grow despite economic headwinds, a company official said.

Mercer Wealth, which globally has $160 billion in AUM, plans to boost its AUM in the region to $2-$3bn in the next 2-3 years from the present $1bn, said Yasir AbuShaban, a Dubai-based principal with Mercer Wealth.

Within the next two to three years, we are looking at reaching $2 to $3 billion as a conservative estimate and we do see an opportunity to do so,” said Mr AbuShaban.

Mercer does not directly make investments, but allocates clients’ money they have discretion to, to professional asset managers. They also provide advice to clients.

“We have buying power. We can negotiate on their (client’s) behalf with asset managers to provide them lower fees than they otherwise would have to get on their own,” he added.

Mercer Wealth’s clients include sovereign wealth funds, family offices, and insurance companies among others.

From its office in Dubai, Mercer also looks after Africa, India and Turkey, where they also see opportunity for growth.

Wealth creation in Middle East and Africa (MEA) grew 8.5 per cent to $8.1 trillion last year from $7.5tn in 2015, higher than last year’s global average of 6 per cent and the second-highest growth in a region after Asia-Pacific which grew 9.9 per cent, according to consultancy Boston Consulting Group (BCG). In the region, where wealth grew just 1.9 per cent in 2015 compared with 2014, a pickup in oil prices has helped in wealth generation.

BCG is forecasting MEA wealth will rise to $12tn by 2021, growing at an annual average of 8 per cent.

Drivers of wealth generation in the region will be split evenly between new wealth creation and growth of performance of existing assets, according to BCG.

Another general trend in the region is clients’ looking for a comprehensive approach to investing, according to Mr AbuShaban.

“Institutional investors or some of the families are seeing a slowdown in the available capital they have to invest and in that sense they are looking at optimizing the way they manage their portfolios and making sure they are not investing haphazardly and different parts of their investment are working together,” said Mr AbuShaban.

Some clients also have a higher appetite for risk, given the low interest-rate environment that does not provide enough yield for some institutional investors. These clients are keen to invest in illiquid assets, such as private equity and infrastructure.

“What we have seen is a desire for higher returns in what has been a low-return environment specifically in various fixed income or bonds,” he said.

“In this environment, we have seen a de facto increase in the risk that clients are taking in things like illiquid investments, private equity investments, infrastructure and private debt, those kind of investments were higher illiquidity results in incrementally higher returns.”

The Abu Dhabi Investment Authority, one of the largest sovereign wealth funds, said in its 2016 report that has gradually increased its exposure in direct private equity and private credit transactions, mainly in Asian markets and especially in China and India. The authority’s private equity department focused on structured equities owing to “their defensive characteristics.”

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Updated: July 29, 2025, 7:03 AM