For decades, Christians have been the "invisible or ignored victims" of conflicts in the Middle East. At best, the US has paid scant attention as communities of indigenous Christians in Palestine, Syria, Iraq and Egypt have been attacked or forced to endure hardship.
There are many reasons for this, with one principal factor being ignorance. Most Americans have little knowledge of the Arab world, its history and people. They are unaware that these Christian communities even exist. This must be remedied, since without an understanding of the role played by Christians in the Arab world, there can be no reasoned discussion about the future of this region.
I once hosted a press breakfast in Washington for a visiting Palestinian priest from the Galilee. Since I had invited only reporters who covered religion, I hoped for an informed and thoughtful exchange.
A set of initial questions from the AP's religion reporter established, early on, that the conversation would not be as productive as I had hoped. He began by asking: "You say that you are an Arab Christian. But how can that be - aren't they two different groups?" He followed up by asking: "When exactly did you and your family convert to Christianity?" The clergyman from the Galilee replied quite simply "My relatives converted about 2,000 years ago."
I have found that not only reporters were ignorant or dismissive about Christians in the Arab world. About two decades back, a senior US State Department official told me that he was off to Syria and high on his agenda was his intention to challenge "Assad's and the Baath's persecution of Christians". I cautioned him that Christians had been among the founders of the Baath party and, for better or worse, saw the Assad regime as supportive of their rights.
Just a few years ago, I had another disturbing conversation about Syria's Christians with a senior official, this time from the White House. We were in agreement about the need for fundamental change, but when I raised concern about the vulnerability of Syria's Christians, his dismissive response was: "Maybe it's time for them to leave."
Even when their presence is known, the Christians' plight is ignored in our political discourse either because acknowledging their situation might muddy a simplistic storyline or conflict with what has been identified as a larger policy objective.
And so, for example, the West has been silent about the precipitous decline in the Christian population of the Palestinian West Bank and Jerusalem out of deference to Israeli sensitivities. Pro-Israel Christian groups frequently make pilgrimages from the US to the Holy Land to show their support for Israel, while ignoring the existence of an indigenous Christian community and the hardships they are forced to endure. "They come," a Palestinian cleric told me, "to look at the places where Jesus walked and don't even see that we are here. We are invisible to them."
It was George W Bush whose war in Iraq unleashed the twin demons of violent extremism and sectarianism that resulted in the near destruction of the Chaldean Christian community of Iraq. The Bush White House simply shrugged this tragedy off.
And even today, the effect of sectarian conflict on the Christian communities of Syria and Egypt is rarely factored into discussions about these countries. And so the Syria story is "opposition versus regime", or "Al Qaeda facing off against Hizbollah", while the Egypt story is framed as "Muslim Brothers against the military" or "democracy versus coup". Meanwhile, on the ground, in both countries, ancient Christian churches are destroyed and communities live in fear of violence.
Right-wing groups will never criticise Israel's behaviour towards Christians, just as they were silent during the uprooting of Iraq's Christians. As a result, their advocacy can easily be dismissed as political posturing.
However, it is important not to allow a one-sided narrative born of ignorance to be replaced by another born of prejudice.
A wholesale maligning of Islam is not the way to correct the neglect of the past and would be profoundly unjust to the overwhelming majority of Muslims who have for centuries lived with, worked with, and, even now, struggled to protect their vulnerable Christian neighbours from extremism.
The way forward must be based on acknowledging the rich religious diversity that is the heritage of Arab society. Simplistic formulas that ignore this reality aren't the answer.
The Arab world is undergoing profound change. Resolution will neither be found in dictatorships nor in governments based on one or another form of intolerant sectarian dogmatism. The future of the religiously complex societies of the Middle East must recognise their diversity and respect the equal rights of all their citizens.
If America is to play any constructive role in this region's future, it is imperative that our policy discussion be better informed by a deeper understanding of the history and present-day reality of the region. A good place to start would be to acknowledge the role that Christian communities have played, together with Muslims, in shaping the region and to have our policy discussion reflect that reality.
James Zogby is the president of the Arab American Institute
On Twitter @aaiusa
Who's who in Yemen conflict
Houthis: Iran-backed rebels who occupy Sanaa and run unrecognised government
Yemeni government: Exiled government in Aden led by eight-member Presidential Leadership Council
Southern Transitional Council: Faction in Yemeni government that seeks autonomy for the south
Habrish 'rebels': Tribal-backed forces feuding with STC over control of oil in government territory
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Mercer, the investment consulting arm of US services company Marsh & McLennan, expects its wealth division to at least double its assets under management (AUM) in the Middle East as wealth in the region continues to grow despite economic headwinds, a company official said.
Mercer Wealth, which globally has $160 billion in AUM, plans to boost its AUM in the region to $2-$3bn in the next 2-3 years from the present $1bn, said Yasir AbuShaban, a Dubai-based principal with Mercer Wealth.
“Within the next two to three years, we are looking at reaching $2 to $3 billion as a conservative estimate and we do see an opportunity to do so,” said Mr AbuShaban.
Mercer does not directly make investments, but allocates clients’ money they have discretion to, to professional asset managers. They also provide advice to clients.
“We have buying power. We can negotiate on their (client’s) behalf with asset managers to provide them lower fees than they otherwise would have to get on their own,” he added.
Mercer Wealth’s clients include sovereign wealth funds, family offices, and insurance companies among others.
From its office in Dubai, Mercer also looks after Africa, India and Turkey, where they also see opportunity for growth.
Wealth creation in Middle East and Africa (MEA) grew 8.5 per cent to $8.1 trillion last year from $7.5tn in 2015, higher than last year’s global average of 6 per cent and the second-highest growth in a region after Asia-Pacific which grew 9.9 per cent, according to consultancy Boston Consulting Group (BCG). In the region, where wealth grew just 1.9 per cent in 2015 compared with 2014, a pickup in oil prices has helped in wealth generation.
BCG is forecasting MEA wealth will rise to $12tn by 2021, growing at an annual average of 8 per cent.
Drivers of wealth generation in the region will be split evenly between new wealth creation and growth of performance of existing assets, according to BCG.
Another general trend in the region is clients’ looking for a comprehensive approach to investing, according to Mr AbuShaban.
“Institutional investors or some of the families are seeing a slowdown in the available capital they have to invest and in that sense they are looking at optimizing the way they manage their portfolios and making sure they are not investing haphazardly and different parts of their investment are working together,” said Mr AbuShaban.
Some clients also have a higher appetite for risk, given the low interest-rate environment that does not provide enough yield for some institutional investors. These clients are keen to invest in illiquid assets, such as private equity and infrastructure.
“What we have seen is a desire for higher returns in what has been a low-return environment specifically in various fixed income or bonds,” he said.
“In this environment, we have seen a de facto increase in the risk that clients are taking in things like illiquid investments, private equity investments, infrastructure and private debt, those kind of investments were higher illiquidity results in incrementally higher returns.”
The Abu Dhabi Investment Authority, one of the largest sovereign wealth funds, said in its 2016 report that has gradually increased its exposure in direct private equity and private credit transactions, mainly in Asian markets and especially in China and India. The authority’s private equity department focused on structured equities owing to “their defensive characteristics.”
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Position: legal consultant with Al Rowaad Advocates and Legal Consultants.
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