Yemen's stalled political transition only empowers Islamist radicals



In late April, a heated discussion erupted after a vote by the "state building" committee of Yemen's National Dialogue Conference (NDC). Liberals, socialists, youth activists, women and other progressive forces voted for Sharia to be the "main" source of legislation rather than the "exclusive" source, as the Salafists and Islamists insisted. The vote triggered a debate in Yemen about the role of religion in politics and the unbridled rise of Islamist radicals during the political transition.

During the April meeting, opposing sides traded accusations, with the Salafists accusing their progressive adversaries of abandoning Islam in favour of man-made rules. Simultaneously the liberals, socialists and youth activists labelled their opponents as backward and narrow-minded. The wording "Sharia is the main source of legislation" gained 79.5 per cent of all votes while "Sharia is the source of all legislation" gained only 20 per cent. Since the bylaws of the NDC require 90 per cent for any vote to pass, the victory for the progressive bloc remained incomplete. As only 75 per cent would be required in the second round of voting, they felt confident. But their sense of calm did not last long.

The next day, Salafist delegate Kamal Bamakhrma published a statement on Facebook condemning the other side and accusing them of polytheism, standing against Islam and other faults along these lines. In his statement, Mr Bamakhrma called on the Yemeni people to rescue Islam from the liberal forces and defend their religion by opposing the vote.

Subsequently, Yemeni radical cleric and member of the Islamist Islah party Sheikh Abdulmajeed Al Zindani issued a videotaped fatwa condemning progressive forces for following the West and described them as enemies of Islam. Mr Al Zindani is a powerful religious cleric and the fatwa came at a politically tense moment. When South Yemen and North Yemen united in 1990, he issued a fatwa condemning the constitutions that each of the countries had adopted. In 2011, he delivered a speech in Change Square praising the revolutionary youths for taking the first step in establishing the Islamic Caliphate system by revolting against the then president, Ali Abdullah Saleh, even though Mr Al Zindani had previously had a close alliance with him.

At the same time, Mr Al Zindani's son Muhammed, a new rising radical cleric, leaked the names of those who voted against Sharia as the exclusive source for legislation. Those on the list panicked as they feared violent retribution from radical followers of Mr Al Zindani. They demanded that the NDC's general secretary take urgent action to secure their lives - some later published the names along with their photos, exposing them to attacks in the streets or even in their houses.

The issue dominated Yemeni media - newspapers, TV channels, social media - and was the topic in every gathering. Some stood against Mr Al Zindani while others echoed his statements to the letter.

At this point, even members of the Islah party and Salafists themselves realised how dangerous things had become. The Islah delegate Mansour Al Zindani, Mr Al Zindani's brother, stressed that fatwas are personal expressions of opinion, do not represent the party's position and are certainly not the right approach to solve thorny political problems. Certain Salafists followed suit by issuing similar assurances. The NDC's leadership issued a strongly-worded press release condemning the fatwa. Interestingly, the statement was read by Muhammed Qahata, a leader of the Islah party, of which Mr Al Zindani has been a loyal member.

The issue remains unresolved. The consensus has to wait until the president, Abdrabu Mansour Hadi, can chair the committee himself and act as a powerful mediator. While this procedure violates the by-laws of the NDC, the sensitivity of the matter forced delegates to bend the rules.

This was not simply a heated three-day period for the NDC, but rather a more complex issue indicative of broader problems.

The debate over Sharia consumed and enraged the Yemeni political establishment; however, it pales in comparison with other looming challenges, such as the controversies over southern autonomy and the Houthi rebellion in Saada. It was a clear sign of how far Yemen still needs to go in order for democratic forms of consensus building to override the historically powerful forces of religion, army and tribe that have enjoyed a disproportionate influence on Yemeni politics for decades.

The question that is really forcing itself now is what will happen if the outcome of dialogue does not satisfy some of Yemen's most powerful groups? Will they maintain peaceful activism to which they have been committed for the last few months? Will non-political tools, again, dominate Yemen's political arena?

It is clear how that Yemen's progressive forces remain weak amid the unchallenged religious manipulation of the country's future.

This situation raises more questions than answers. Yemen's problems are far from being resolved and the manipulative elites are still powerful. Even though the 2011 uprising had to a certain degree challenged all previously unquestionable groups, the GCC-brokered deal for political transition has not only failed to check these powerful actors but has conferred on them a sense of legitimacy and authority that will only force the country's political establishment to stagnate.

Farea Al Muslimi is a Yemeni activist and writer

On Twitter: @Almuslimi

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Pay varies significantly depending on the school, its rating and the curriculum. Here's a rough guide as of January 2021:

- top end schools tend to pay Dh16,000-17,000 a month - plus a monthly housing allowance of up to Dh6,000. These tend to be British curriculum schools rated 'outstanding' or 'very good', followed by American schools

- average salary across curriculums and skill levels is about Dh10,000, recruiters say

- it is becoming more common for schools to provide accommodation, sometimes in an apartment block with other teachers, rather than hand teachers a cash housing allowance

- some strong performing schools have cut back on salaries since the pandemic began, sometimes offering Dh16,000 including the housing allowance, which reflects the slump in rental costs, and sheer demand for jobs

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Company name: Farmin

Date started: March 2019

Founder: Dr Ali Al Hammadi 

Based: Abu Dhabi

Sector: AgriTech

Initial investment: None to date

Partners/Incubators: UAE Space Agency/Krypto Labs 

SPECS

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Created in 1961, the World Food Programme is pledged to fight hunger worldwide as well as providing emergency food assistance in a crisis.

One of the organisation’s goals is the Zero Hunger Pledge, adopted by the international community in 2015 as one of the 17 Sustainable Goals for Sustainable Development, to end world hunger by 2030.

The WFP, a branch of the United Nations, is funded by voluntary donations from governments, businesses and private donations.

Almost two thirds of its operations currently take place in conflict zones, where it is calculated that people are more than three times likely to suffer from malnutrition than in peaceful countries.

It is currently estimated that one in nine people globally do not have enough to eat.

On any one day, the WFP estimates that it has 5,000 lorries, 20 ships and 70 aircraft on the move.

Outside emergencies, the WFP provides school meals to up to 25 million children in 63 countries, while working with communities to improve nutrition. Where possible, it buys supplies from developing countries to cut down transport cost and boost local economies.

 

The Indoor Cricket World Cup

When: September 16-23

Where: Insportz, Dubai

Indoor cricket World Cup:
Insportz, Dubai, September 16-23

UAE fixtures:
Men

Saturday, September 16 – 1.45pm, v New Zealand
Sunday, September 17 – 10.30am, v Australia; 3.45pm, v South Africa
Monday, September 18 – 2pm, v England; 7.15pm, v India
Tuesday, September 19 – 12.15pm, v Singapore; 5.30pm, v Sri Lanka
Thursday, September 21 – 2pm v Malaysia
Friday, September 22 – 3.30pm, semi-final
Saturday, September 23 – 3pm, grand final

Women
Saturday, September 16 – 5.15pm, v Australia
Sunday, September 17 – 2pm, v South Africa; 7.15pm, v New Zealand
Monday, September 18 – 5.30pm, v England
Tuesday, September 19 – 10.30am, v New Zealand; 3.45pm, v South Africa
Thursday, September 21 – 12.15pm, v Australia
Friday, September 22 – 1.30pm, semi-final
Saturday, September 23 – 1pm, grand final

UPI facts

More than 2.2 million Indian tourists arrived in UAE in 2023
More than 3.5 million Indians reside in UAE
Indian tourists can make purchases in UAE using rupee accounts in India through QR-code-based UPI real-time payment systems
Indian residents in UAE can use their non-resident NRO and NRE accounts held in Indian banks linked to a UAE mobile number for UPI transactions

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Proudest achievement: “I came to a new country and started this shop”

Favourite TV programme: the news

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Family: six sons in Dubai and a daughter in Faisalabad

 

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