Hans Blix, Clare Short and Tony Benn may be names from the past for many people in Britain but the wider world has not moved on from the war they tried to prevent in Iraq, says the filmmaker Amir Amirani, and neither has he.
After spending nine years interviewing such people for his film We Are Many, about the global anti-war marches on February 15, 2003, Amirani is still engrossed in the topic: working on a release in America, thinking of writing a book, and developing an offshoot project he is keeping under wraps for now.
Since We Are Many was released in 2015, some of its central themes – truth and lies in politics, the way the public can be swept into military fervour – have only become more topical.
As the 20th anniversary arrives, Amirani will be curious to hear what public figures in Britain and the US have to say about the war, which he believes has been too easily chalked up as “a mistake” and put aside.
“I think the shadow of Iraq is going to hang over many things in this country for generations,” Amirani, who was born in Iran and moved to Britain as a child, told The National.
The fact that Britain went to war without UN backing “has been erased over here, but it’s not erased in the rest of the world, it’s not erased in other people’s minds,” he said. “These things have a habit of coming back and biting us.”
Amirani, in Berlin for a film festival in February 2003, joined a demonstration there that he said was the largest he has ever been on, despite the cold February weather on the big day.
But it was once he returned to London, and heard tales of how the protests had brought together the most unlikely people in an impassioned plea for peace, that he realised it was a phenomenon worth exploring as a filmmaker.
What other documentary could bring together the spy author John Le Carre, who was on the London march, the tycoon Sir Richard Branson, who tried to broker peace, and the weapons inspector Hans Blix, so central to the diplomatic crisis?
All appear in We Are Many along with more than 50 others interviewed during nine years of filming, including British protest organisers and American personnel who came to regret their role in the war.
Le Carre was a particular catch because he had previously said he would never give another interview and took some time to be brought on board.
In the film, Le Carre described a noise — “I have never heard before or since, a kind of visceral, feral grumble” — as the crowds passed Downing Street, pleading with Tony Blair, the prime minister at the time, not to go to war.
Also involved in London was the playwright Harold Pinter, who described Mr Blair as a “hired thug” of US President George W Bush. He died in 2008 and is the one person Amirani wishes he could have added to his interview list.
Organisers put the crowds in London at two million, and estimates of the global mobilisation range between six and 30 million, in one of the biggest single protest actions in human history.
The demonstrators may not have stopped the invasion, but Amirani believes that this failure made the protests more of a watershed rather than less.
“I think right up to that point, most members of the public still had a faith in politics, that their voices mattered. They did think that if they came out and protested, that politicians would take notice,” he said.
“We’re still living with the consequences of the fact that the public was so shocked by the way the scale of that protest was ignored.
“I think that was really the beginnings of a major rupture in trust between the public and politicians, in a way that had not been seen so visibly, so brutally and so plainly.”
Iraq War protests in London in 2003 - in pictures
The British and American case for war was based on claims that Saddam Hussein’s Iraq was developing weapons of mass destruction, which turned out not to exist.
The invasion went ahead without the support of the UN Security Council after Russia, France and China failed to side with their fellow permanent members, the US and Britain.
Mr Blair has since argued that the world was still better off without Saddam, and insisted the flawed intelligence was an honest mistake rather than an act of deception.
Amirani, meanwhile, says a “post-truth” or “post-shame” political culture often talked about during Donald Trump’s US presidency can be traced back further to Mr Blair's slick spin operation.
The claim, in a dossier published by the British government in 2002, that Saddam could have deployed chemical or biological WMDs within 45 minutes of an order to do so came to symbolise the loss of public trust in Mr Blair.
“There was something very shameless about that Iraq War debacle, and everything that’s followed since,” Amirani said. “The shamelessness of Boris Johnson and the shamelessness of Trump, the shamelessness of politics.”
Another consequence in the aftermath was that Britain became warier of putting “boots on the ground” abroad. When MPs voted against military action in Syria in 2013, the shadow of Iraq hung unmistakably over the debate.
Now, as Britain arms Ukraine without directly entering a war with Russia, Amirani believes that the UK’s moral standing on the conflict is undermined by what happened in Iraq, even 20 years later.
“It’s funny how everyone is all-out gung-ho attacking Russia, including the UK, which perpetrated a war in Iraq without UN backing, essentially with no legal basis at all. That part of memory has been completely erased,” he said.
Despite all these developments since the war in 2003 and the film’s release in 2015, Amirani considers We Are Many to be an evergreen film about protest and war.
He also cannot be, he thinks, the only protester for whom February 15, 2003, was a defining moment in their lives, mentioning activists who were subsequently inspired to campaign for causes such as peace, democracy and Black Lives Matter.
“It sticks in people’s memories because of the scale of it, because of what it represented politically at the time. For lots of young people, it was foundational,” he said.
“That protest, the size of it, was such a sea change. It had ripple effects, culturally, socially, politically, for lots and lots of people.”
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In the Restaurant: Society in Four Courses
Christoph Ribbat
Translated by Jamie Searle Romanelli
Pushkin Press
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Who's who in Yemen conflict
Houthis: Iran-backed rebels who occupy Sanaa and run unrecognised government
Yemeni government: Exiled government in Aden led by eight-member Presidential Leadership Council
Southern Transitional Council: Faction in Yemeni government that seeks autonomy for the south
Habrish 'rebels': Tribal-backed forces feuding with STC over control of oil in government territory
Intercontinental Cup
Namibia v UAE Saturday Sep 16-Tuesday Sep 19
Table 1 Ireland, 89 points; 2 Afghanistan, 81; 3 Netherlands, 52; 4 Papua New Guinea, 40; 5 Hong Kong, 39; 6 Scotland, 37; 7 UAE, 27; 8 Namibia, 27
The major Hashd factions linked to Iran:
Badr Organisation: Seen as the most militarily capable faction in the Hashd. Iraqi Shiite exiles opposed to Saddam Hussein set up the group in Tehran in the early 1980s as the Badr Corps under the supervision of the Iran Revolutionary Guards Corps (IRGC). The militia exalts Iran’s Supreme Leader Ali Khamenei but intermittently cooperated with the US military.
Saraya Al Salam (Peace Brigade): Comprised of former members of the officially defunct Mahdi Army, a militia that was commanded by Iraqi cleric Moqtada Al Sadr and fought US and Iraqi government and other forces between 2004 and 2008. As part of a political overhaul aimed as casting Mr Al Sadr as a more nationalist and less sectarian figure, the cleric formed Saraya Al Salam in 2014. The group’s relations with Iran has been volatile.
Kataeb Hezbollah: The group, which is fighting on behalf of the Bashar Al Assad government in Syria, traces its origins to attacks on US forces in Iraq in 2004 and adopts a tough stance against Washington, calling the United States “the enemy of humanity”.
Asaeb Ahl Al Haq: An offshoot of the Mahdi Army active in Syria. Asaeb Ahl Al Haq’s leader Qais al Khazali was a student of Mr Al Moqtada’s late father Mohammed Sadeq Al Sadr, a prominent Shiite cleric who was killed during Saddam Hussein’s rule.
Harakat Hezbollah Al Nujaba: Formed in 2013 to fight alongside Mr Al Assad’s loyalists in Syria before joining the Hashd. The group is seen as among the most ideological and sectarian-driven Hashd militias in Syria and is the major recruiter of foreign fighters to Syria.
Saraya Al Khorasani: The ICRG formed Saraya Al Khorasani in the mid-1990s and the group is seen as the most ideologically attached to Iran among Tehran’s satellites in Iraq.
(Source: The Wilson Centre, the International Centre for the Study of Radicalisation)
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Cast: Loujain Adada, Zeina Khoury, Farhana Bodi, Ebraheem Al Samadi, Mona Kattan, and couples Safa & Fahad Siddiqui and DJ Bliss & Danya Mohammed
Rating: 1/5
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Mercer, the investment consulting arm of US services company Marsh & McLennan, expects its wealth division to at least double its assets under management (AUM) in the Middle East as wealth in the region continues to grow despite economic headwinds, a company official said.
Mercer Wealth, which globally has $160 billion in AUM, plans to boost its AUM in the region to $2-$3bn in the next 2-3 years from the present $1bn, said Yasir AbuShaban, a Dubai-based principal with Mercer Wealth.
“Within the next two to three years, we are looking at reaching $2 to $3 billion as a conservative estimate and we do see an opportunity to do so,” said Mr AbuShaban.
Mercer does not directly make investments, but allocates clients’ money they have discretion to, to professional asset managers. They also provide advice to clients.
“We have buying power. We can negotiate on their (client’s) behalf with asset managers to provide them lower fees than they otherwise would have to get on their own,” he added.
Mercer Wealth’s clients include sovereign wealth funds, family offices, and insurance companies among others.
From its office in Dubai, Mercer also looks after Africa, India and Turkey, where they also see opportunity for growth.
Wealth creation in Middle East and Africa (MEA) grew 8.5 per cent to $8.1 trillion last year from $7.5tn in 2015, higher than last year’s global average of 6 per cent and the second-highest growth in a region after Asia-Pacific which grew 9.9 per cent, according to consultancy Boston Consulting Group (BCG). In the region, where wealth grew just 1.9 per cent in 2015 compared with 2014, a pickup in oil prices has helped in wealth generation.
BCG is forecasting MEA wealth will rise to $12tn by 2021, growing at an annual average of 8 per cent.
Drivers of wealth generation in the region will be split evenly between new wealth creation and growth of performance of existing assets, according to BCG.
Another general trend in the region is clients’ looking for a comprehensive approach to investing, according to Mr AbuShaban.
“Institutional investors or some of the families are seeing a slowdown in the available capital they have to invest and in that sense they are looking at optimizing the way they manage their portfolios and making sure they are not investing haphazardly and different parts of their investment are working together,” said Mr AbuShaban.
Some clients also have a higher appetite for risk, given the low interest-rate environment that does not provide enough yield for some institutional investors. These clients are keen to invest in illiquid assets, such as private equity and infrastructure.
“What we have seen is a desire for higher returns in what has been a low-return environment specifically in various fixed income or bonds,” he said.
“In this environment, we have seen a de facto increase in the risk that clients are taking in things like illiquid investments, private equity investments, infrastructure and private debt, those kind of investments were higher illiquidity results in incrementally higher returns.”
The Abu Dhabi Investment Authority, one of the largest sovereign wealth funds, said in its 2016 report that has gradually increased its exposure in direct private equity and private credit transactions, mainly in Asian markets and especially in China and India. The authority’s private equity department focused on structured equities owing to “their defensive characteristics.”