The editor-in-chief of the London-based daily Al Asharq al Awsat, Tariq al Homayed, wrote an opinion piece about an interview aired by Press TV, the government-funded Iranian news channel, with the current leader of the Lebanese Progressive Socialist Party, Walid Jumblatt. "Lebanon can turn to Iran for weapons in order to defend itself against its enemies," Mr Jumblatt said, stressing that "Iranian-Arab unity would thwart any Israeli attack on either".
Mr al Homayed commented: "We are not yet sure whether these statements stem from a conviction, whether it is just a flirtation with Iran intended by Mr Jumblatt to secure his sect's interests, or if it is a premonition of danger." We are left perplexed, the writer said, especially because Mr Jumblatt has also been calling for an understanding between Saudi Arabia, Syria and Iran with a view to facilitating the formation of the Lebanese government. "But, taking part in that sort of understanding is synonymous with approving of Iran as the leading power in the region, which in turn gives it control over Lebanon and Iraq. Integrating Iran into the Arab League would make us look like the sheep that decided to embrace the wolf."
Al Qa'eda has been caught in a paradox since it lost support after the fall of the Taliban regime by the hand of US forces, wrote Tawfiq al Madani in the comment section of the Dubai-based daily Al Bayan.
"On the one hand, the classic war against terrorism has managed to emasculate al Qa'eda's ability to conduct new major operations in New York and Washington. On the other, al Qa'eda's ideology is still permeating jihadist groups, a number of which have surfaced in northern and sub-Saharan Africa, Somalia and Yemen, who call themselves 'al Qa'eda branches' in this or that country." Even though they confirm that al Qa'eda's doctrine has become some sort of "trademark", these copies hardly bear proof of an actual connection between with al Qa'eda in Afghanistan. Osama bin Laden's network has wrongly received credit for operations it never planned or carried out. "Al Qa'eda has, on the contrary, lost a lot of ground in Iraq and was repelled in Saudi Arabia," the writer said. "It has been defeated in Afghanistan and, outside Waziristan, it has no control over any other territory whatsoever."
"Whoever examines the map of the Israeli settlements in the West Bank cannot miss the conclusion that a freeze is practically impossible, since settlements are spread all over the area and are populated by half a million Jews," commented Mazen Hammad in the opinion pages of the Qatari daily Al Watan.
Even if the Palestinians surrender to international pressure and enter negotiations based on a vague Israeli commitment to temporarily and partially freeze settlement activity, the outcome would be the same as the present-day situation: they would be sitting around tables and smiling at reporters, nothing more. The matter is graver than believed. It calls to mind the warning of the late king Hussein bin Talal of Jordan, who said the day might come when there will be nothing left to be negotiated about in the West Bank. "Well, I say this day has already come. Palestine is dwindling away before our eyes and we are still busy talking about peace talks. What peace exactly? And what talks? I address these questions to those Arab states who still maintain that Palestine is their central cause."
Contrary to what many people think, "Arabism" is not merely an ethnic sentiment that binds Arabs together, wrote Badr al Ibrahim in the Lebanese daily Assafir. Arabism is, more importantly, an idea predicated on mutual co-operation to achieve progress, preserve interests and eventually trigger the Arab renaissance.
"But modern Arab nationalism has relinquished all these values," the writer posited. The proponents of modern Arabism do not care about pan-Arab affinities and common goals. They rather promote such divisive mottos as "state first", which is just a way of declaring one's own isolation from other Arabs. "This chauvinistic gimmick is obviously politically motivated." Modern Arabism founded its so-called "modernity" on a rejection of anti-Israel, anti-occupation approaches.
Now, surrendering to the US hegemony and embracing defeatism have become the main features of Arab nationalism. There is a great need for an Arab discourse on a completely new course, in such a way as to make Arabism more compatible with the values of democracy, openness and unity. * Digest compiled by Achraf A El Bahi aelbahi@thenational.ae
