It is America's right – not its left – whose views on the Israeli occupation have changed

American group Christians United for Israel attend a rally in Virginia. AP Photo

The partisan schism over US policy towards Israel and the occupation that began in 1967 is solidifying in ways that should alarm both Israelis and Palestinians albeit for different reasons. Republicans are increasingly embracing the annexationism championed by Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu’s radical new cabinet, while US President Joe Biden’s administration is working to restore Washington’s commitment to peace.

Last week, an official editorial in The Wall Street Journal, an authoritative pro-conservative establishment publication, fulminated against the Biden administration’s Middle East policies by relying on two glaring falsehoods.

It condemned Mr Biden’s opposition to proposed Israeli judicial “reforms” that would strip the judiciary of most powers over the government. It insisted that Mr Biden has been treating Israel’s government more harshly than he has the Iranian regime.

Palestinians argue with Israeli settlers one day after a shooting attack and violence, near the West Bank city of Nablus, in February. EPA

The absurdity of this claim is clear. A distinct coolness between Mr Netanyahu and Mr Biden is evident, but US support for Israel remains generous and robust. By contrast, the Biden administration has held firm against unreasonable Iranian demands in nuclear negotiations and maintained remarkably harsh sanctions and significantly ramped up military deterrence against Teheran.

The second glaring falsehood merits particular attention. The editorial claims that, under Mr Biden, “all of the West Bank and East Jerusalem is treated as occupied territory”. “This is now a liberal article of faith,” it insists.

These assertions – that it’s somehow incorrect to label the occupied Palestinian territories as “occupied”, and that doing so is a new and especially liberal conceit – invert reality. Shortly after the occupation began in 1967, it was labelled exactly that by the UN Security Council, including the US, and was reconfirmed countless times ever since. This makes Israel’s occupation a legal and diplomatic fact, not anyone’s opinion.

The suggestion is that liberals have adopted a weirdly anti-Israel stance by claiming Israel is an occupying power. Yet the opposite is true, as the editorial’s cynical authors are surely aware. In fact, it is the American right that has abandoned a longstanding bipartisan Washington consensus recognising the reality of the occupation and endorsing a two-state solution.

In 1980, then-president Ronald Reagan, a conservative hero, strongly supported Security Council resolutions condemning Israel’s de facto annexation of occupied East Jerusalem and declaring it null and void. Both presidents Bush, father and son, were also clear on the reality of occupation and the need for two states.

But in the 21st century, radical Christian fundamentalists support for the occupation and annexation steadily spread from the fringe to the mainstream in right-wing discourse.

The Donald Trump administration proved decisive. His Israel policy was run by three religiously conservative, pro-settlement Jewish Americans personally close to him: his son-in-law Jared Kushner, and two of his attorneys, Jason Greenblatt and David Friedman.

Mr Trump endorsed Israel’s annexation of the Golan Heights and issued an ambiguous statement recognising Israel’s sovereignty in Jerusalem but leaving it unclear whether he was making distinction between West Jerusalem and occupied East Jerusalem.

As US ambassador to Israel, Mr Friedman, the most radical of the group, was unusually empowered. During his tenure, everyone more senior at the State Department studiously avoided Palestine-Israel issues. He was, therefore, usually able to get his way.

Right-wing discourse led from the fringes to the mainstream by Christian fundamentalists, steadily shifted in favour of Israeli occupation and annexation

He fought hard for the elimination of all references to the occupation or the occupied Palestinian territories in State Department documents, most notably the annual Country Reports on Human Rights Practices. From their outset, these crucial documents tracked Israel’s abuses and carefully distinguished Israel from the clearly identified “occupied territories”.

During Mr Friedman’s ambassadorship, State Department references to the occupation began to quickly disappear. The area designation in the annual reports was immediately switched from the traditional “Israel and the Occupied Territories” to “Israel, the West Bank and Gaza”. By 2018, all references to the occupation were eliminated. Under Mr Biden, Mr Trump’s area designation unfortunately persists, but the fact of occupation is clearly labelled and shot through the analysis of human rights realities in the occupied territories.

Mr Trump’s 2020 “Peace to Prosperity” proposal, overseen by Mr Kushner, was the key turning point. By encouraging Israel to annex 30 per cent of the West Bank, including the Jordan Valley thereby surrounding any potential Palestinian mini-state within a greater Israel, the White House gave its blessing to the Republican right, especially radical fundamentalist Christians, to openly embrace occupation and annexation as legitimate and even desirable.

Then US president Donald Trump and Jared Kushner with Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu in Jerusalem. Getty Images

This otherwise ineffectual document succeeded in its unstated but actual primary mission of stretching the “Overton window” of political discourse on the occupied territories in Washington to include support for annexation. For the Republican right, there was no turning back. Cue editorials pretending that this radical transformation of conservative attitudes that has smashed a longstanding, bipartisan foreign policy consensus is merely the rejection of an outlandish new liberal “article of faith”.

Who else has recognised the reality of occupation? The Israeli military, repeatedly, going before Israeli courts to justify measures such as checkpoints and live-fire zones that are allowed to occupying powers under international law. The Israeli government, too, has frequently cited the occupation when convenient. But whenever it comes to settlements and other civilian projects that grossly transgress international human rights law – because the Palestinians and other occupied peoples have the right not to be colonised – Israel reverts to pretending there is no occupation after all.

What Israel has tried to create is a mobile, ever-shifting landscape where “Israel” legally exists wherever and whenever Israeli settler happens to be hunkering down, with or without permission of Israeli authorities, and everywhere else is an amorphous and undefined occupation, with the status of the land and its people to be determined at some future date. Or not.

Comparing the Biden administration’s Human Rights Reports with such conservative editorials and Republican presidential candidates’ scramble to outdo each other in support for Israel and annexation, it is clear that Mr Trump and his annexationist inner circle succeeded in demolishing the pre-existing bipartisan consensus in favour of peace.

With Mr Netanyahu’s judicial “reforms” set to severely undermine Israel’s “Jewish democratic” bona fides over Mr Biden’s strong objections, and the bitter partisan split developing over the occupation, the decades-old “special relationship” between the two countries seems ready to give way to a less “special”, more normal, status, at least with Democrats. That may dismay Israelis, but alarmingly for Palestinians, most Republicans now appear irreversibly pro-annexation.