The administration of US President Joe Biden has finally recognised the central role of Saudi leadership in the Middle East and the world, evidenced in Secretary of State Antony Blinken’s recent visit to Jeddah. Mr Blinken also dedicated three days to important meetings in Riyadh, involving dozens of ministers. Additionally, he engaged in lengthy discussions with Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman in Jeddah.
The visit was a significant development, representing a profound shift in the mindset of both the administration and the Democratic Party, which has in recent times harboured what appeared to be hostility towards Saudi Arabia.
Mr Blinken’s visit underscored the administration's adoption of a pragmatic approach, departing from the customary homilies often delivered by the US to the kingdom. The new direction, it seems, encompasses not only discussions on energy prices and security, but also greater consensus on combatting global violent extremism, extending beyond the traditional focus on counterterrorism.
At a joint press conference with Mr Blinken, Saudi Foreign Minister Prince Faisal bin Farhan spoke boldly, saying it is unfortunate that developed countries continue to refuse to retrieve their citizens from conflict zones and instead leave that burden on the countries most affected by terrorism. Later, following a ministerial meeting in Riyadh of the international coalition against ISIS, he emphasised the importance of confronting terrorist organisations in Afghanistan, a country from which US troops recently withdrew.
A statement issued after a meeting of GCC foreign ministers with Mr Blinken repeated the importance of confronting violent extremism and terrorism “across the world”, reflecting the GCC’s eagerness to reject the notion that terrorism is a problem related only to this region.
Mr Blinken was eager to convey during his time in the Gulf the US’s commitment to the security of the region and its strategic security partnership with GCC. He emphasised Washington’s recognition of the crucial role played by Gulf countries, particularly Saudi Arabia, in the global economy and in addressing international crises.
It is no secret that energy is a critical matter, and the Biden administration is keen on preventing a surge in oil prices during the election cycle. However, this issue is complex, as Saudi Arabia has no obligation to comply automatically with the demands of the Biden administration when it comes to oil production. Its priority is stability of prices.
But disagreements on oil are largely separate from the other strategic and security interests the two countries share. Riyadh and Washington concur that their security relationship should not be undermined or subject to bargaining from other nations. For the US, this may most acutely mean concern over a potential relationship with China.
China's direct involvement in restoring Saudi-Iranian relations and assuming the role of guarantor for their understandings has alerted the Biden administration to its own political inertia in the region, particularly after it excluded the Gulf states from the nuclear negotiations with Iran as if it would not be a matter of concern for them.
The Biden administration must know that not rectifying past mistakes and recognising that a partnership with Riyadh is indispensable may leave Washington at a disadvantage.
There continues to exist a significant disparity between American and Saudi perspectives in one particularly important area, which is the Palestine-Israel conflict. The Biden administration aims to accomplish a Saudi-Israeli peace agreement that it could bill as having surpassed even the achievements of the Trump administration's Abraham Accords, which facilitated agreements between Israel and the UAE, Bahrain and Morocco. While Saudi Arabia does not object to signing a regional peace agreement with Israel, however, it would be under the conditions of a two-state solution and a resolution to the status of Jerusalem.
But there have been voices in Washington that have sought to reject the concept of a two-state solution wand downplay the Arab Peace Initiative, a two-decade-old proposal to end the conflict, as the basis for any peace agreement.
In this context, the joint statement between the GCC foreign ministers and Mr Blinken stood out for its emphasis on a two-state solution. Both parties reaffirmed their commitment to achieving a just, permanent, and comprehensive peace in the Middle East, based on the two-state solution and the 1967 borders, with land swaps in accordance with internationally recognised standards and the Arab Peace Initiative.
Remarkably, the joint statement also officially endorsed Arab efforts to resolve the Syrian crisis, which have clarified the Gulf's vision for relations with Syria. The statement placed strong emphasis on a political solution "in accordance with international humanitarian law, as outlined in United Nations Security Council Resolution 2254 of 2015". Notably, the statement welcomed the Arab step-by-step approach to resolving the crisis in line with Resolution 2254, and expressed support for the US-led coalition forces working to defeat ISIS in Syria.
Iran also had a presence in the discussions, as explicitly mentioned in the statement. It highlighted the joint commitment of the US and GCC countries to confront any acts of aggression or illegality that pose a threat to maritime routes, international trade and Gulf oil facilities, with specific reference to Iran. The resumption of diplomatic relations between Saudi Arabia and Iran was also met with approval.
The atmosphere surrounding Mr Blinken's visit to Jeddah and the subsequent meetings in Riyadh mark a significant departure from the tone that has characterised the US-Saudi relationship in recent years. The Biden administration has acknowledged that Saudi Arabia has emerged as an influential regional and international actor, requiring a re-evaluation and reset of the political discourse between the two nations. There is no substitute for Saudi Arabia's indispensable role in resolving both regional and international challenges, and dismissing Saudi positions is not an option.
