Chris Blackhurst is a former editor of The Independent, based in London
October 27, 2021
The folks I know in business and in the City of London are all shaking their heads in anger and frustration. Not one has anything good to say about Britain's current government. They’re perplexed that a Conservative administration should display such little disregard for them.
Take the Budget. There is virtually nothing in it for the private sector, no major measure for them to get excited about. There is a discount on business rates for pubs, restaurants and shops, but it lasts only a year, and a promise again that this much-reviled tax will be overhauled. Instead, the main headlines are about pay rises for public sector workers, an increase in the minimum wage, help for low earners and reform of alcohol duties.
Last week, at the UK’s Global Investment Summit, Prime Minister Boris Johnson put on a typical bravura performance, full of quips and devoid of meaningful detail. Arranged in front of him were some of the world’s most powerful corporate leaders, including several bank chiefs. They could forgive him, because “that’s Boris”, but nevertheless they were left scratching their heads at the lack of substance.
At the recent Tory conference, it was the fault of business that the UK was suffering from embarrassing shortages of labour and produce. For too long, the narrative went, greedy business types had been making giant profits from paying their workers so little. Therefore, it was not surprising that they could not find the staff. But the post-Brexit economy is to become high skills, high wages. Just like that.
Normally, ahead of such a shift in direction, various members of the business great and good would be brought in, sat down and asked what they thought. Not this time. The captains of industry were completely blind-sided.
They don’t forget either, that when he was foreign secretary, Mr Johnson used an extremely rude expletive to sum up his attitude towards business. Clearly, judging by his behaviour since, they say, the four-letter word was meant.
I was at a meeting a few weeks ago in which a businessperson complained: “You would think that Boris Johnson would treat us better. After all, he went to Eton and Oxford, and all his friends are in business.”
The speaker’s face was serious. And this goes to the heart of the problem.
The City and business like to suppose that Mr Johnson is one of them. He may not have held down a commercial career before heading into politics, unlike Chancellor of the Exchequer Rishi Sunak and Health Secretary Sajid Javid, both former bankers. And his surname is not associated with a family-owned company, unlike his former party colleague George Osborne. But he grew up surrounded by people who went into law, banking, accounting, stockbroking or insurance, or set up businesses themselves.
He leads a party, too, that has always declared itself to be the “friend of business”. It is their natural constituency. The Tories rely on private donations, mostly from those who made fortunes in commerce. Mr Johnson’s triumphant Brexit campaign was paid for by super-rich hedge fund operators. Yet, this is how he repays them.
The hedge fund argument does not completely wash, since the donors were anxious not to have their industry regulated by the EU. They were not acting out of a wish to benefit their UK business chums and peers.
Even so, there is a strong feeling of betrayal. Financial services, upon which so much of the City depends, were not included in the Brexit agreement with the EU; bank bosses are constantly complaining about the difficult of doing business with the EU; and daily, the drift of bankers relocating to the likes of Paris, Frankfurt and Amsterdam increases.
Anyone visiting the Labour and Tory conferences would be left in no doubt either as to which one, seemingly, is closer to business. At Labour's, corporate brands were few and far between, private sector sponsorship was sparse and the exhibition hall was given over mostly to charities, campaigning organisations and trade unions. At the Conservatives', business logos and names were everywhere, and senior corporate figures were also out in force. All, it seems to little avail: business is receiving few favours from this government.
That’s not entirely true. Behind the scenes, lobbying is as strong as it ever was under a Conservative regime. Look, too, how all sorts of companies cashed in during the pandemic, striking contracts to supply PPE and private hospital beds to a beleaguered NHS.
Bankers in the City of London expected more from the UK's Conservative administration. AFP
There is a strong feeling of betrayal
Mr Johnson is gushing as well, when it comes to acknowledging the role enterprise played in developing the vaccine. He likes to rattle off, as he did at his summit, Britain’s ground-breaking scientific discoveries and great industrial achievements, all of them down to brilliant business minds and endeavour.
Overall, though, there is a sense of treachery.
The reason for Mr Johnson’s stance is three-fold. First, his is a leadership that conducts focus groups and opinion polls about everything it does. In that research, being pro-big business scores badly. Time and again, it comes up that no senior banker went to jail over the 2008 crash; repeatedly, executive pay and bonus packages are pilloried.
That should not be a shock. If you put 10 ordinary people in a room and explore with them the cause of the nation’s ills, the role of business is bound to be raised. To be fair, several of its exponents have not exactly painted themselves and their colleagues in a good light either.
Years ago, it would have been the unions who would be blamed, but their power has waned – they no longer strike like they used to.
The surprise is that Johnson should pay such heed as he does. His objective is simple: he wants to win elections. That’s why he devotes so much attention to what the voters, in particular the swing voters, are thinking. Top of their list by a huge margin is the need to preserve the NHS, while assisting the business community is nowhere.
Second, financially, Mr Johnson and Mr Sunak have no room for manoeuvre. Theirs is a cash-strapped government. It’s no use for high earners and company bosses to look for handouts; there won’t be any. Rather, the Prime Minister and Chancellor take the view that those people can look after themselves.
Third, Mr Johnson can ignore the City and business simply because he can. He knows that, ultimately, they are not going to fall in behind Labour, and that their votes (and donations) are safe. If he had a charismatic, centrist opponent – another Tony Blair – against him, things might be different. But while Sir Keir Starmer is more popular in boardrooms than Jeremy Corbyn, the current Labour leader is no threat.
Mr Johnson is set to continue on his path, and the spluttering on management floors and in golf and tennis clubs and all the places City and businesspeople like to gather will not be abating any time soon.
What is Genes in Space?
Genes in Space is an annual competition first launched by the UAE Space Agency, The National and Boeing in 2015.
It challenges school pupils to design experiments to be conducted in space and it aims to encourage future talent for the UAE’s fledgling space industry. It is the first of its kind in the UAE and, as well as encouraging talent, it also aims to raise interest and awareness among the general population about space exploration.
Trump v Khan
2016: Feud begins after Khan criticised Trump’s proposed Muslim travel ban to US
2017: Trump criticises Khan’s ‘no reason to be alarmed’ response to London Bridge terror attacks
2019: Trump calls Khan a “stone cold loser” before first state visit
2019: Trump tweets about “Khan’s Londonistan”, calling him “a national disgrace”
2022: Khan’s office attributes rise in Islamophobic abuse against the major to hostility stoked during Trump’s presidency
July 2025 During a golfing trip to Scotland, Trump calls Khan “a nasty person”
Sept 2025 Trump blames Khan for London’s “stabbings and the dirt and the filth”.
Dec 2025 Trump suggests migrants got Khan elected, calls him a “horrible, vicious, disgusting mayor”
The President's Cake
Director: Hasan Hadi
Starring: Baneen Ahmad Nayyef, Waheed Thabet Khreibat, Sajad Mohamad Qasem
IF YOU GO The flights: FlyDubai offers direct flights to Catania Airport from Dubai International Terminal 2 daily with return fares starting from Dh1,895. The details: Access to the 2,900-metre elevation point at Mount Etna by cable car and 4x4 transport vehicle cost around €57.50 (Dh248) per adult. Entry into Teatro Greco costs €10 (Dh43). For more go to www.visitsicily.info
Where to stay:Hilton Giardini Naxos offers beachfront access and accessible to Taormina and Mount Etna. Rooms start from around €130 (Dh561) per night, including taxes.
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MATCH INFO
Uefa Champions League semi-finals, first leg
Liverpool v Roma When: April 24, 10.45pm kick-off (UAE) Where: Anfield, Liverpool Live: BeIN Sports HD Second leg: May 2, Stadio Olimpico, Rome
Mercer, the investment consulting arm of US services company Marsh & McLennan, expects its wealth division to at least double its assets under management (AUM) in the Middle East as wealth in the region continues to grow despite economic headwinds, a company official said.
Mercer Wealth, which globally has $160 billion in AUM, plans to boost its AUM in the region to $2-$3bn in the next 2-3 years from the present $1bn, said Yasir AbuShaban, a Dubai-based principal with Mercer Wealth.
“Within the next two to three years, we are looking at reaching $2 to $3 billion as a conservative estimate and we do see an opportunity to do so,” said Mr AbuShaban.
Mercer does not directly make investments, but allocates clients’ money they have discretion to, to professional asset managers. They also provide advice to clients.
“We have buying power. We can negotiate on their (client’s) behalf with asset managers to provide them lower fees than they otherwise would have to get on their own,” he added.
Mercer Wealth’s clients include sovereign wealth funds, family offices, and insurance companies among others.
From its office in Dubai, Mercer also looks after Africa, India and Turkey, where they also see opportunity for growth.
Wealth creation in Middle East and Africa (MEA) grew 8.5 per cent to $8.1 trillion last year from $7.5tn in 2015, higher than last year’s global average of 6 per cent and the second-highest growth in a region after Asia-Pacific which grew 9.9 per cent, according to consultancy Boston Consulting Group (BCG). In the region, where wealth grew just 1.9 per cent in 2015 compared with 2014, a pickup in oil prices has helped in wealth generation.
BCG is forecasting MEA wealth will rise to $12tn by 2021, growing at an annual average of 8 per cent.
Drivers of wealth generation in the region will be split evenly between new wealth creation and growth of performance of existing assets, according to BCG.
Another general trend in the region is clients’ looking for a comprehensive approach to investing, according to Mr AbuShaban.
“Institutional investors or some of the families are seeing a slowdown in the available capital they have to invest and in that sense they are looking at optimizing the way they manage their portfolios and making sure they are not investing haphazardly and different parts of their investment are working together,” said Mr AbuShaban.
Some clients also have a higher appetite for risk, given the low interest-rate environment that does not provide enough yield for some institutional investors. These clients are keen to invest in illiquid assets, such as private equity and infrastructure.
“What we have seen is a desire for higher returns in what has been a low-return environment specifically in various fixed income or bonds,” he said.
“In this environment, we have seen a de facto increase in the risk that clients are taking in things like illiquid investments, private equity investments, infrastructure and private debt, those kind of investments were higher illiquidity results in incrementally higher returns.”
The Abu Dhabi Investment Authority, one of the largest sovereign wealth funds, said in its 2016 report that has gradually increased its exposure in direct private equity and private credit transactions, mainly in Asian markets and especially in China and India. The authority’s private equity department focused on structured equities owing to “their defensive characteristics.”
Visibility: Often dramatic with thick "walls" of sand
Duration: Short-lived, typically localised
Travel distance: Limited
Source: Open desert areas with strong winds
Dust storm
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Source: Can be carried from distant regions
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Essentials
The flights
Whether you trek after mountain gorillas in Rwanda, Uganda or the Congo, the most convenient international airport is in Rwanda’s capital city, Kigali. There are direct flights from Dubai a couple of days a week with RwandAir. Otherwise, an indirect route is available via Nairobi with Kenya Airways. Flydubai flies to Kinshasa in the Democratic Republic of Congo, via Entebbe in Uganda. Expect to pay from US$350 (Dh1,286) return, including taxes. The tours
Superb ape-watching tours that take in all three gorilla countries mentioned above are run by Natural World Safaris. In September, the company will be operating a unique Ugandan ape safari guided by well-known primatologist Ben Garrod.
In the Democratic Republic of Congo, local operator Kivu Travel can organise pretty much any kind of safari throughout the Virunga National Park and elsewhere in eastern Congo.