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Three Lebanese army soldiers in clearly identifiable military uniforms were killed and five seriously injured in separate Israeli drone strikes in southern Lebanon on Tuesday, two security sources told The National.
The attacks have raised concerns Israel may be expanding its strikes to include Lebanese Armed Forces troops, despite previous assurances it would not.
In Nabatieh district, a strike on a group of five soldiers travelling by car and motorcycle killed one and seriously wounded the other four. Two more soldiers were killed in the village of Zibdin while riding a motorcycle, and another soldier was seriously injured in a separate strike in Doueir. All were wearing army-issued fatigues, distinct from those of Hezbollah fighters battling to push the Israeli army out of the area.
“We know the technological capability of the Israeli army, so it’s difficult to imagine they would not notice the Lebanese army fatigues,” one of the security sources said. “These were direct hits, by drone, with no one else but the Lebanese soldiers around.”
Another security source referred to the attacks as “a message”, but declined to elaborate.
The Lebanese army is investigating the incidents and awaiting clarification from Israel.
An Israeli army spokeswoman said it was “aware of the claim” that LAF soldiers were injured. It said it was investigating the first strike, but did not address the other two.
She added that Israel operates against Hezbollah, which it has pledged to eradicate, and not against the Lebanese Armed Forces. Israel had previously assured Lebanese officials it would not attack the LAF, according to a political source familiar with the matter.
Lebanese President Joseph Aoun called the killing of soldiers and civilians a “flagrant violation of international and humanitarian law” and accused Israel of undermining efforts to strengthen the LAF as the country’s sole legitimate bearer of arms.
The incidents have raised concerns over Israel’s strategy.
The LAF’s Dilemma
“The LAF is in the most difficult position it’s ever been in the history of the country because Lebanon itself is in its most difficult position,” according to retired Brig Gen Hassan Jouni, now a professor of international law at the Lebanese University.
“The army cannot face off against Israel militarily because it doesn’t have the ability to. The balance of power is not there.
“The difficulty is that the government decision [to ban Hezbollah] cannot be applied by the Lebanese army. Its application would force it to clash with Hezbollah because Hezbollah refuses this decision.”
He was referring to a government decision to ban Hezbollah’s military activities, taken shortly after the group unilaterally fired rockets into Israel on March 2 on behalf of its ally Iran, reigniting war in Lebanon.
Previously, a 15-month ceasefire had been largely one-sided: Hezbollah mostly held its fire, while Israel continued daily attacks and maintained a partial presence on Lebanese territory. Still, the ceasefire brought a measure of stability and allowed some, though not all, displaced residents to return home. Israel used the period to push the Lebanese state to enact measures that would see Hezbollah disarmed.
Hezbollah’s rocket volley provoked a fierce Israeli response, with Israel pledging to eradicate the group by any means. Since the conflict reignited, more than 880 people have been killed – at least a quarter of them women, children and medical personnel. The violence has also displaced more than a million people, according to Lebanese government estimates, as Israel intensifies its campaign across Lebanon.
The LAF has been effectively relegated to the back seat in a conflict on the territory it is sworn to protect. If it attempts to enforce the government’s decision to disarm Hezbollah during an active war, it risks being seen as siding with Israel against its own people. But if it defends itself against Israeli attacks, it could invite further major strikes.
The LAF is known to be weaker than Hezbollah’s well-trained and better-funded paramilitary, further undermining its role as a national defence force.
“In theory, the government has the moral right. But in practice, the Lebanese state – and the LAF – have no power in this situation,” another retired brigadier general, who did not want to be identified, told The National.
He suggested Tuesday’s drone strikes could be a form of psychological warfare. “It’s a message to the army and to Hezbollah that even identifiable LAF soldiers can be targeted. It may also make Hezbollah think twice about moving freely in the south.”
“The government has no tools to enforce its decisions against Hezbollah. There is a conflict between Hezbollah and Israel, and the state has no choice but to sit back and watch.”
