After decades of corruption that plunged Lebanon into its worst economic and financial crisis since the end of the civil war in the early 90s, many Lebanese appear to have had enough.
The national mood has turned against the ruling class.
A WhatsApp tax introduced by the government in late 2019 ignited the largest protests to sweep Lebanon since the assassination of prime minister Rafik Hariri in 2005.
His killing, then widely blamed on Syria, sparked demonstrations that led to the withdrawal of Syria's military forces from Lebanon, under pressure from the US and its allies.
The movement that started more than 15 years later, on October 17, 2019, and quickly toppled the government of Saad Hariri - the son of the late prime minster - raised hope for radical reform.
But unlike the 2005 campaign, which marked the end of three decades of Syrian military presence in Lebanon, the movement lost momentum following the outbreak of the coronavirus pandemic.
Momentum was lost despite the government's failure to enact long-awaited reforms intended to stave off economic collapse.
The crisis was made worse by an explosion that destroyed large parts of Beirut in August. It caused an estimated $15 billion in damage and killed more than 200 people.
Yet, five months after the blast which paved the way for Mr Hariri’s return as prime minister-designate following his predecessor’s resignation, Lebanon remains without a fully functioning government.
The political class was told it must undertake reform to unlock international financial support.
Its critics said the months-long political deadlock that has so far blocked the formation of a new Cabinet is a clear indication of the October 17 movement's failure to effect change.
A country that has long been home to the powerful Iran-backed armed group Hezbollah has been plunged into the midst of Iran's stand-off with the US and its regional allies.
Campaigners said the reform movement is still alive, although discussions between some of its leading elements have yet to build a united platform. That has to happen in the run-up to the 2022 parliamentary elections.
Tarek Ammar, a member of Beirut Madinati, the political campaign that won a number of seats in the 2016 municipal elections, said the movement achieved a great deal in terms of blocking corrupt deals in a country that still suffers from daily power cuts and low-quality basic services about 30 years after the war ended.
His movement aimed to disrupt that status quo.
Mr Ammar said protests have continued despite the crackdown that the political class ordered to intimidate protestors, resulting in injuries to hundreds of people.
According to Human Rights Watch, the use of "excessive and sometimes lethal force" was on full display on August 8.
Then, security forces fired live ammunition, metal pellets and rubber bullets against mostly peaceful people who took to the streets to protest negligence and corruption which they said led days earlier to the explosion of a stockpile of chemicals that was left at Beirut port for six years
Five months later, it is still unclear who owned the chemicals and why they were stockpiled for so long at one of the region's busiest ports despite the knowledge of security agencies.
The stalled investigation into the explosion, which has worsened political bickering and complicated the Cabinet formation process, is typical of the lack of accountability in Lebanon, activists said.
Bassel Saleh, a Lebanese University professor and member of Lihaqi campaign, said this lack of accountability and endemic corruption will continue to spark spontaneous protests.
Tripoli, Lebanon’s second biggest city, was frequently the scene of such demonstrations in recent days in defiance of a full lockdown to contain rising coronavirus infections.
The Tripoli protests prompted Mr Hariri to warn demonstrators that certain parties may be exploiting their economic woes for political purposes. His comment evoked memories of accusations that parties across the political spectrum directed at protestors in the early stages of the October 17 movement.
Such accusations, activists said, were only aimed at buying the ruling class more time and there were no real solutions in sight.
“It is clear by now that Lebanon’s political system and economic model has failed,” said Prof Saleh, who fears a crackdown on protests as the situation deteriorates and the country’s political leaders lose their grip.
“Our priority now is to create a social safety net across Lebanon to help people in need,” he said, arguing that the October 17 movement has ushered in an era of political awareness but failed to translate that into a programme for reform of Lebanon's failed confessional power-sharing system.
The movement, an umbrella for tens of right- and left-wing groups demanding change, is divided on how to best tackle the economic crisis and the issue of Hezbollah's weapons, among other controversial topics, a veteran activist told The National.
But Mr Ammar argued the differences were mainly restricted to finding common ground regarding the best approach to ensure the rise of a democratic and sovereign state.
That included state monopolisation of the possession of weapons and guarantees for the rights of its citizens.
Many activists, however, feared that the lack of a unified agenda and action plan would hinder such ambitions for the foreseeable future.
“The withdrawal of Syrian forces prompted many to hope reforms would follow, but that wasn’t the case. So, what guarantees that corruption won’t persist if and when the issue of Hezbollah’s weapons is solved?” another activist asked.
Others, however, said there was no choice but to seek change despite the challenges.
“Our only hope is to seek a state where justice and the rule of law prevails,” said Layal Sakr, a lawyer and long-time activist.
