Khalid Sultan Hashim, the son of Saddam Hussein's defence minister, in his Mosul office after being elected to the Iraqi Parliament. Gareth Browne / The National
Khalid Sultan Hashim, the son of Saddam Hussein's defence minister, in his Mosul office after being elected to the Iraqi Parliament. Gareth Browne / The National
Khalid Sultan Hashim, the son of Saddam Hussein's defence minister, in his Mosul office after being elected to the Iraqi Parliament. Gareth Browne / The National
Khalid Sultan Hashim, the son of Saddam Hussein's defence minister, in his Mosul office after being elected to the Iraqi Parliament. Gareth Browne / The National

Familiar names fade away while others rise in Mosul election


Gareth Browne
  • English
  • Arabic

The office of Khaled Sultan Hashem in Mosul’s Al Ziraai neighbourhood is a throwback to the Baath era of the Saddam Hussein regime.

Moustachioed men in leather jackets with Uzis tucked into their belts usher dignitaries in to meet the newly elected MP.

Mr Hashem's father, Ahmed Sultan Hashem Al Taii, was known as Saddam’s top general and was the man who signed the surrender agreement with the US in the First Gulf War, before going on to serve as minister of defence.

When the US invaded, Ahmed Sultan was in the highest echelons of the regime. He featured as the eight of hearts on the US’s deck of playing cards, which listed the Iraq’s most wanted.

Now, his son has been elected to Iraq's Parliament as an MP for Nineveh governorate, a radical progression for a family once so close to Saddam’s inner circle.

Though Mr Hashem was initially barred from standing, the election commission eventually reversed the decision, allowing him to run for the Iraqi National Project list – as the results stand, he is their only MP in Nineveh.

Although he would not grant any interviews, he was happy to pose for a photo for The National.

Mr Hashem’s victory was something of an outlier in a governorate which largely turned its back on established names in the October 10 general election. While stalwarts of the past two decades such as former prime minister Nouri Al Maliki and the populist cleric Moqtada Al Sadr performed well down south, in the troubled northern city occupied by extremist militants barely five years ago, the story is quite different.

The Al Nujaifi family, one of the biggest landowners in Nineveh, were wiped out electorally – with former vice president Osama Al Nujaifi losing his seat. His brother Atheel, who was governor when the city fell to ISIS, remains in exile in Erbil. Several other stalwarts of the governorate’s politics in recent years also lost their seats.

One of the winners in Nineveh was the Taqudum movement, a new list led by Mohammed Al Halbousi, the former speaker.

Mr Halbousi borrowed a tactic employed by former prime minister Haider Al Abadi’s Nasr coalition at the last election: inviting popular local figures to run on his list and relying on them to bring in votes from their communities. Among them is Muzahim Al Khayat, a former chancellor of Mosul University, who was elected in Nineveh’s second district.

Ahmed Al Jabouri, a shopkeeper in the eastern Mosul neighbourhood of Karama, said that though he felt there was little hope of change, he voted for a new candidate after a lifetime of supporting the Al Nujaifi family.

Another of Saddam’s former associates, cigarette mogul Khamis Khanjar, failed to perform despite pouring vast sums of money into the governorate. Mr Khanjar’s Azm movement picked up only one seat in Nineveh, mirroring a disastrous performance across the country.

“There were many independent candidates to choose from and even many of the bigger parties gave us new faces to vote for; there was more choice in this election,” Mr Al Jabouri said.

The Kurdish Democratic Party performed strongly, taking nine of the governorate’s 31 seats due largely to a strong showing among minority groups in the rural areas outside of Mosul, said Vian Dakhil, a Yazidi MP who was re-elected.

“We got a lot of support from minorities – there are many minority supporters of the KDP in Mosul among the Christians and the Shabak,” she told The National.

“I think some people have changed their minds about those big leaders, especially since ISIS in 2014. People in Nineveh know who the right people are to go to the Parliament."

Despite Nineveh’s Sunni majority, Iran-backed groups managed to make notable inroads through minority and independent candidates.

Waad Qado, the former head of the Hashed Al Shaabi’s 30th brigade, was elected as an independent.

The Hashed Al Shaabi, or Popular Mobilisation Forces are a militia umbrella organisation, comprising a variety of paramilitary groups mainly backed by Iran.

Though a Shabak, Mr Qado is widely regarded as close to the Iran-backed groups which dominate the PMF – some go as far as to call him Iran’s man in Nineveh. Posters on the main motorway to Mosul from Erbil show him next to Abu Mahdi Al Muhandis, the former de facto head of the PMF, and Iranian general Qassem Suleimani. Both men were killed in a US drone strike near Baghdad airport in January 2020.

Similarly, the governorate’s Christian quota seat went to the Babylon movement, a group widely seen as a proxy of the Iran-backed Badr organisation headed by Hadi Al Amiri.

Even in the north, Iran’s reach can be felt.

MATCH INFO

Uefa Champions League final:

Who: Real Madrid v Liverpool
Where: NSC Olimpiyskiy Stadium, Kiev, Ukraine
When: Saturday, May 26, 10.45pm (UAE)
TV: Match on BeIN Sports

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Director: James Cameron

Starring: Sam Worthington, Sigourney Weaver, Zoe Saldana

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Mercer, the investment consulting arm of US services company Marsh & McLennan, expects its wealth division to at least double its assets under management (AUM) in the Middle East as wealth in the region continues to grow despite economic headwinds, a company official said.

Mercer Wealth, which globally has $160 billion in AUM, plans to boost its AUM in the region to $2-$3bn in the next 2-3 years from the present $1bn, said Yasir AbuShaban, a Dubai-based principal with Mercer Wealth.

Within the next two to three years, we are looking at reaching $2 to $3 billion as a conservative estimate and we do see an opportunity to do so,” said Mr AbuShaban.

Mercer does not directly make investments, but allocates clients’ money they have discretion to, to professional asset managers. They also provide advice to clients.

“We have buying power. We can negotiate on their (client’s) behalf with asset managers to provide them lower fees than they otherwise would have to get on their own,” he added.

Mercer Wealth’s clients include sovereign wealth funds, family offices, and insurance companies among others.

From its office in Dubai, Mercer also looks after Africa, India and Turkey, where they also see opportunity for growth.

Wealth creation in Middle East and Africa (MEA) grew 8.5 per cent to $8.1 trillion last year from $7.5tn in 2015, higher than last year’s global average of 6 per cent and the second-highest growth in a region after Asia-Pacific which grew 9.9 per cent, according to consultancy Boston Consulting Group (BCG). In the region, where wealth grew just 1.9 per cent in 2015 compared with 2014, a pickup in oil prices has helped in wealth generation.

BCG is forecasting MEA wealth will rise to $12tn by 2021, growing at an annual average of 8 per cent.

Drivers of wealth generation in the region will be split evenly between new wealth creation and growth of performance of existing assets, according to BCG.

Another general trend in the region is clients’ looking for a comprehensive approach to investing, according to Mr AbuShaban.

“Institutional investors or some of the families are seeing a slowdown in the available capital they have to invest and in that sense they are looking at optimizing the way they manage their portfolios and making sure they are not investing haphazardly and different parts of their investment are working together,” said Mr AbuShaban.

Some clients also have a higher appetite for risk, given the low interest-rate environment that does not provide enough yield for some institutional investors. These clients are keen to invest in illiquid assets, such as private equity and infrastructure.

“What we have seen is a desire for higher returns in what has been a low-return environment specifically in various fixed income or bonds,” he said.

“In this environment, we have seen a de facto increase in the risk that clients are taking in things like illiquid investments, private equity investments, infrastructure and private debt, those kind of investments were higher illiquidity results in incrementally higher returns.”

The Abu Dhabi Investment Authority, one of the largest sovereign wealth funds, said in its 2016 report that has gradually increased its exposure in direct private equity and private credit transactions, mainly in Asian markets and especially in China and India. The authority’s private equity department focused on structured equities owing to “their defensive characteristics.”

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Who: France v Croatia
When: Sunday, July 15, 7pm (UAE)
TV: Game will be shown live on BeIN Sports for viewers in the Mena region

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Started: November 2017

Founders: Mounir Nakhla, Ahmed Mohsen and Mohamed Aboulnaga

Based: Cairo, Egypt

Sector: transport and logistics

Size: 150 employees

Investment: approximately $8 million

Investors include: Singapore’s Battery Road Digital Holdings, Egypt’s Algebra Ventures, Uber co-founder and former CTO Oscar Salazar

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