CAIRO // When Egyptian activists chose January 25 for national protests last year, they were taking direct aim at the security forces.
In 2009, Mubarak had named that date Police Day to honour 50 police killed by British troops when they refused to surrender their weapons in the city of Ismailia in 1952.
Rather than applaud the police, the protesters poured into Tahrir Square last year to chant slogans against a force that had grown all-powerful and oppressive under Mubarak. Torture, corruption and the rounding up of Islamists had become commonplace.
Today, as protesters return to the streets - to celebrate the anniversary of the uprising or to protest the once revered military who have cracked down on dissent while ruling post-Mubarak - the police are likely to be nowhere in sight.
The generals yesterday partially lifted the emergency laws ahead of the anniversary.
Field Marshal Hussein Tantawi said in a televised address the draconian emergency laws, in force for more than three decades, would be lifted from today but would remain applicable to crimes committed by "thugs".
The military has often labelled organisers of anti-government demonstrations "thugs".
The United States praised lifting of the emergency laws and hand power to the parliament as major steps toward normalising political life. What the emergency law all but lifted and in line with their low-profile approach, police instead will mobilise to protect key government buildings, but often behind the safety of barbed wire fences and concrete walls erected late last year after more than 40 people died in street battles with security forces.
It is a potent reminder of the lack of reconciliation between the people and the police since a year ago, when the force took to the streets to defend the Mubarak regime and more than 840 people died.
Only a couple of generations ago, it was so different.
"In the 1950s, it used to be that people wanted to have their picture taken in the streets with police officers," said Ihab Youssef, a former interior ministry official who created a non-government organisation called People and Police for Egypt in 2007. "That's how respected they were. Now, they don't talk, they don't trust each other."
The latest project for the NGO is a community policing programme at 25 police stations across Cairo, where initially about 10 to 15 civilian volunteers will as soon as next month don yellow vests and help to improve relations by acting as go-betweens between the officers and the local population.
If the pilot programme works, it will be extended to every police station across the country.
"We started our NGO … because the situation had got to the point where there was a huge gap between the people and the police," said Mr Youssef. "You have to have someone you trust to make complaints to. This is a first step and it's still far away."
Mr Youssef, who held posts in the special forces, as an investigator and as an instructor in the police academy during his 20-year career at the ministry, has seen at first hand the deterioration in the quality of policing in Egypt.
It was tacitly accepted in the ministry that detectives resorted to torture to speed up the closure of cases, he said.
"It wasn't happening everywhere, but the ministry would only investigate incidents of torture if it became a big political problem.
"The problem was a lack of training, low wages, and no reform of the ministry for decades."
Former ministers, prominent businessmen and a newly elected member of parliament are on the board of trustees of the NGO.
By Mr Youssef's estimation, the reputation of the police has sunk even further in the past year after repeated battles with protest groups.
The ministry has done little to reform itself and has stoked the flames of discontent with unpunished acts of brutality and a refusal to own up to its shortcomings under Mr Mubarak, he said.
About 100 people have died in clashes since the military took control of the country on February 11 after the chaos that surrounded Mr Mubarak's fall.
Images have been broadcast of police beating unarmed protesters with truncheons, throwing stones and tear-gas canisters by the hundred at demonstrators.
Activists and the city's coroner said live ammunition was used, but officials denied their officers opened fire.
"We've seen more incidents this year than we've seen in the past five years," said Heba Morayef, a researcher in the Middle East and North Africa division of Human Rights Watch.
"We've seen everything from beating and torture of protesters to the forced virginity tests of women.
"It has been very targeted and brutal and was made possible by the demonising of protesters in the aftermath of the revolution."
She made clear she was referring to both the military and police, neither of which had significantly changed how they handled demonstrators a year after the uprising.
"I would have thought one of the lessons learnt would be to take more care," she said.
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Mercer, the investment consulting arm of US services company Marsh & McLennan, expects its wealth division to at least double its assets under management (AUM) in the Middle East as wealth in the region continues to grow despite economic headwinds, a company official said.
Mercer Wealth, which globally has $160 billion in AUM, plans to boost its AUM in the region to $2-$3bn in the next 2-3 years from the present $1bn, said Yasir AbuShaban, a Dubai-based principal with Mercer Wealth.
“Within the next two to three years, we are looking at reaching $2 to $3 billion as a conservative estimate and we do see an opportunity to do so,” said Mr AbuShaban.
Mercer does not directly make investments, but allocates clients’ money they have discretion to, to professional asset managers. They also provide advice to clients.
“We have buying power. We can negotiate on their (client’s) behalf with asset managers to provide them lower fees than they otherwise would have to get on their own,” he added.
Mercer Wealth’s clients include sovereign wealth funds, family offices, and insurance companies among others.
From its office in Dubai, Mercer also looks after Africa, India and Turkey, where they also see opportunity for growth.
Wealth creation in Middle East and Africa (MEA) grew 8.5 per cent to $8.1 trillion last year from $7.5tn in 2015, higher than last year’s global average of 6 per cent and the second-highest growth in a region after Asia-Pacific which grew 9.9 per cent, according to consultancy Boston Consulting Group (BCG). In the region, where wealth grew just 1.9 per cent in 2015 compared with 2014, a pickup in oil prices has helped in wealth generation.
BCG is forecasting MEA wealth will rise to $12tn by 2021, growing at an annual average of 8 per cent.
Drivers of wealth generation in the region will be split evenly between new wealth creation and growth of performance of existing assets, according to BCG.
Another general trend in the region is clients’ looking for a comprehensive approach to investing, according to Mr AbuShaban.
“Institutional investors or some of the families are seeing a slowdown in the available capital they have to invest and in that sense they are looking at optimizing the way they manage their portfolios and making sure they are not investing haphazardly and different parts of their investment are working together,” said Mr AbuShaban.
Some clients also have a higher appetite for risk, given the low interest-rate environment that does not provide enough yield for some institutional investors. These clients are keen to invest in illiquid assets, such as private equity and infrastructure.
“What we have seen is a desire for higher returns in what has been a low-return environment specifically in various fixed income or bonds,” he said.
“In this environment, we have seen a de facto increase in the risk that clients are taking in things like illiquid investments, private equity investments, infrastructure and private debt, those kind of investments were higher illiquidity results in incrementally higher returns.”
The Abu Dhabi Investment Authority, one of the largest sovereign wealth funds, said in its 2016 report that has gradually increased its exposure in direct private equity and private credit transactions, mainly in Asian markets and especially in China and India. The authority’s private equity department focused on structured equities owing to “their defensive characteristics.”
Andor
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David Haye record
Total fights: 32
Wins: 28
Wins by KO: 26
Losses: 4
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SPAIN SQUAD
Goalkeepers Simon (Athletic Bilbao), De Gea (Manchester United), Sanchez (Brighton)
Defenders Gaya (Valencia), Alba (Barcelona), P Torres (Villarreal), Laporte (Manchester City), Garcia (Manchester City), D Llorente (Leeds), Azpilicueta (Chelsea)
Midfielders Busquets (Barcelona), Rodri (Manchester City), Pedri (Barcelona), Thiago (Liverpool), Koke (Atletico Madrid), Ruiz (Napoli), M Llorente (Atletico Madrid)
Forwards: Olmo (RB Leipzig), Oyarzabal (Real Sociedad), Morata (Juventus), Moreno (Villarreal), F Torres (Manchester City), Traore (Wolves), Sarabia (PSG)
Tamkeen's offering
- Option 1: 70% in year 1, 50% in year 2, 30% in year 3
- Option 2: 50% across three years
- Option 3: 30% across five years
Silent Hill f
Publisher: Konami
Platforms: PlayStation 5, Xbox Series X/S, PC
Rating: 4.5/5
How does ToTok work?
The calling app is available to download on Google Play and Apple App Store
To successfully install ToTok, users are asked to enter their phone number and then create a nickname.
The app then gives users the option add their existing phone contacts, allowing them to immediately contact people also using the application by video or voice call or via message.
Users can also invite other contacts to download ToTok to allow them to make contact through the app.
Name: Brendalle Belaza
From: Crossing Rubber, Philippines
Arrived in the UAE: 2007
Favourite place in Abu Dhabi: NYUAD campus
Favourite photography style: Street photography
Favourite book: Harry Potter
Who's who in Yemen conflict
Houthis: Iran-backed rebels who occupy Sanaa and run unrecognised government
Yemeni government: Exiled government in Aden led by eight-member Presidential Leadership Council
Southern Transitional Council: Faction in Yemeni government that seeks autonomy for the south
Habrish 'rebels': Tribal-backed forces feuding with STC over control of oil in government territory
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