During a brief visit to Shiraz, Nina Khoshnoudi witnesses the beginnings of a seismic change in Iran.
Preparing for my trip home to Iran a few weeks ago, I asked my husband, a political consultant who took part in the democratic movement against Slobodan Milosevic in Serbia: "How I can convince my family to vote in the upcoming elections?"
I was genuinely desperate for arguments. In the past, many of my friends and relatives have suffered from the affliction, common in Iran, of alienation from politics. They have simply refused to take part in a system they experience as meaningless. I've never fully grasped this feeling - I grew up abroad and know Iran only through family, friends and extended stays in the country. When I set out for Shiraz to show off my pregnant belly, I was intent on voting myself and hoped to drag maybe a few victims along with me. I was not expecting anything like what awaited me.
I arrived on the night of the second debate - broadcast live on a national television network notorious for obsequious programming - between the incumbent Mahmoud Ahmadinejad and the ex-prime minister Mir-Hossein Mousavi. This kind of debate was a first in Iran, and to my delight, all eyes were glued to the TV. We were over for dinner at a relative's house that night, and the whole family was there, maybe 20 of us, lounging anxiously in embellished, oversized furniture, nibbling on fruits and nuts.
As the debate went on, the room grew more and more animated, and the volume of the TV slowly went up - thanks to my elderly uncles sitting a few feet from the screen - along with the volume of the crowd. "Oohs" and "ahs" rang out in response to some of the more dramatic moments. At the end of the programme, when Mousavi was concluding the debate, Ahmadinejad tried to interrupt him, but Mousavi shut him down. Everyone applauded loudly.
The cheering had just begun. After the debate, Mousavi supporters poured into the streets, jamming them with cars, exhaust and horns blaring deep into the night. In the next few days we heard about the green "human chain" along the 25 kilometres of Vali Asr Street in Tehran. The movement, which cropped up almost overnight, was being referred to as a "Green Wave". (Ahmedinejad's supporters, meanwhile, were known for waving the Iranian flag and riding around in groups on motorcycles - a morbid foreshadowing of the crackdown to come. Oddly, one of Ahmedinejad's slogans was almost exactly the same as Obama's "Yes we can".)
Some of my relatives were already prepared to vote, while a few lingering sceptics observed, asked questions and waited. Quotes from that night's debate, and the others to come, were repeated in tickled awe over the next week, discussed and remoulded into jokes. Ahmadinejad's disrespectful treatment of Mousavi's wife (he had called her academic credentials fraudulent) was instantly regarded as a despicable tactic; meanwhile, some said that, although Mousavi is mostly calm and logical, he uses the word "chiz" too much - the equivalent of "like" in English.
Every night from 10pm, when subsequent debates began, all engagements were set aside. The youth started their advance into the streets from much earlier in the day, and remained later into each consecutive night. By the end of the week the honking and cheers went well into the early morning hours, and the approaching election became a great excuse to gather with friends and celebrate. In the end, I didn't have to explain to my friends and family why they should vote; they were converting themselves.
On Election Day, young and old, mothers, fathers, grandparents and grandchildren all went to the polls. Even the staunchest sceptics in my family made their way out, some of them arriving at the earliest possible hour after a sleepless night. After voting, after witnessing the massive support for Mousavi and hearing the reports from Tehran and other cities, we were ready for victory celebrations.
When the results came in the next day, none of it made any sense - except to those who had maintained their protective crust of bitter Iranian sarcasm. "The angels came out and voted," one friend sighed knowingly, referring to the votes he believed Ahmadinejad stole.
A man who works for the city's waste services, and who helps an elderly aunt of mine with her shopping and home maintenance, came by the day after the election as she was watching television. All the satellite channels were blocked, and the national network was repeating the same news over and over, about the victorious nation of Iran and its perfect demonstration of democracy. The reports featured rolling footage of people voting and, in flowery language, praised the free and open process. The news mentioned nothing about the results, except for a small box on the corner of the screen indicating the outcome and the occasional scrolling subtitle.
When my aunt asked the man whom he had voted for, he replied, "Ahmadinejad". As she lectured him, she became so emotional that tears welled up in her eyes. "You are educated, you have five children to feed, you should know better. What did he do for you? He gave you some money? How much, and how far could that money go, with the prices going up each day?"
"Yes. But those Mousavi supporters," he shyly retorted, "I saw some things they did that were just not right." In his mind, they had celebrated and mingled a bit too overtly in the streets - more than he was used to seeing in Shiraz.
"And what does that have to do with Mousavi? You think Ahmadinejad's supporters were angels?" she nipped back. "I don't like you anymore, not at all," she concluded, half seriously.
Another woman we know who works as a maid had also said she would vote for the incumbent. "Ahmadinejad is for downtowners and Mousavi for up-towners," she told us, breaking the vote down along familiar class lines. And yet, on the day of the election, we met a very poor woman from the outskirts of Shiraz who had come into town with her children to vote. She asked us directions to the polling station, and we offered her a ride. It was an important day, she said; she was voting for Mousavi.
Two days after the election, my visit to Shiraz came to its scheduled end, and I left for Dubai, where I live now. Only when I arrived back in the Emirates did I truly realise the magnitude of what was happening in Iran. In Shiraz, we had only gathered bits and pieces of information. Our satellite television connection was still scrambled; my cousins in Tehran had said that mobile phone networks there had been shut down before the vote; a lady at the bank told us that students at the university were attacked in the night; neighbours reported that there were sporadic protests in the capital. But we had no idea of the extent of it.
Not long after I left, the unrest spread to Shiraz. Two days after I arrived back in Dubai, I heard from my grandmother that two people were killed in the same street where I would go every day to update my blog at an internet cafe.
Like many Iranians around the world, I am glued to my computer now. Heart-wrenching images, videos and updates are pouring out from inside the country, and I do what I can to spread them, since reporting from inside Iran is so limited. I wish I was still there with my friends and family. Iranians abroad have never been as homesick as we are today. But we have settled for another place, here, behind the screen, wired in to an unprecedented digital fusion of protest and support, and connected to what feels like a defining moment in history.
Whether or not the true results of the vote can be independently proven, a vast number of people in Iran today are convinced that this election was a lie, that the country's democracy is a lie. In a way, this is not all that different from what my family believed during all those years of political alienation. But now Iranians are not just wallowing in this conviction; now they are betting their lives on it.
Nina Khoshnoudi is a freelance writer, photographer and researcher living in Dubai.
Types of policy
Term life insurance: this is the cheapest and most-popular form of life cover. You pay a regular monthly premium for a pre-agreed period, typically anything between five and 25 years, or possibly longer. If you die within that time, the policy will pay a cash lump sum, which is typically tax-free even outside the UAE. If you die after the policy ends, you do not get anything in return. There is no cash-in value at any time. Once you stop paying premiums, cover stops.
Whole-of-life insurance: as its name suggests, this type of life cover is designed to run for the rest of your life. You pay regular monthly premiums and in return, get a guaranteed cash lump sum whenever you die. As a result, premiums are typically much higher than one term life insurance, although they do not usually increase with age. In some cases, you have to keep up premiums for as long as you live, although there may be a cut-off period, say, at age 80 but it can go as high as 95. There are penalties if you don’t last the course and you may get a lot less than you paid in.
Critical illness cover: this pays a cash lump sum if you suffer from a serious illness such as cancer, heart disease or stroke. Some policies cover as many as 50 different illnesses, although cancer triggers by far the most claims. The payout is designed to cover major financial responsibilities such as a mortgage or children’s education fees if you fall ill and are unable to work. It is cost effective to combine it with life insurance, with the policy paying out once if you either die or suffer a serious illness.
Income protection: this pays a replacement income if you fall ill and are unable to continue working. On the best policies, this will continue either until you recover, or reach retirement age. Unlike critical illness cover, policies will typically pay out for stress and musculoskeletal problems such as back trouble.
The bio
His favourite book - 1984 by George Orwell
His favourite quote - 'If you think education is expensive, try ignorance' by Derek Bok, Former President of Harvard
Favourite place to travel to - Peloponnese, Southern Greece
Favourite movie - The Last Emperor
Favourite personality from history - Alexander the Great
Role Model - My father, Yiannis Davos
Labour dispute
The insured employee may still file an ILOE claim even if a labour dispute is ongoing post termination, but the insurer may suspend or reject payment, until the courts resolve the dispute, especially if the reason for termination is contested. The outcome of the labour court proceedings can directly affect eligibility.
- Abdullah Ishnaneh, Partner, BSA Law
The specs: 2019 Haval H6
Price, base: Dh69,900
Engine: 2.0-litre turbocharged four-cylinder
Transmission: Seven-speed automatic
Power: 197hp @ 5,500rpm
Torque: 315Nm @ 2,000rpm
Fuel economy, combined: 7.0L / 100km
Usain Bolt's World Championships record
2007 Osaka
200m Silver
4x100m relay Silver
2009 Berlin
100m Gold
200m Gold
4x100m relay Gold
2011 Daegu
100m Disqualified in final for false start
200m Gold
4x100m relay Gold
2013 Moscow
100m Gold
200m Gold
4x100m relay Gold
2015 Beijing
100m Gold
200m Gold
4x100m relay Gold
MATCH INFO
Uefa Champions League final:
Who: Real Madrid v Liverpool
Where: NSC Olimpiyskiy Stadium, Kiev, Ukraine
When: Saturday, May 26, 10.45pm (UAE)
TV: Match on BeIN Sports
The specs: 2018 Mercedes-Benz GLA
Price, base / as tested Dh150,900 / Dh173,600
Engine 2.0L inline four-cylinder
Transmission Seven-speed automatic
Power 211hp @ 5,500rpm
Torque 350Nm @ 1,200rpm
Fuel economy, combined 6.4L / 100km
ABU%20DHABI'S%20KEY%20TOURISM%20GOALS%3A%20BY%20THE%20NUMBERS
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THE SPECS
Engine: 1.5-litre
Transmission: 6-speed automatic
Power: 110 horsepower
Torque: 147Nm
Price: From Dh59,700
On sale: now
Getting%20there%20and%20where%20to%20stay
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UAE v Gibraltar
What: International friendly
When: 7pm kick off
Where: Rugby Park, Dubai Sports City
Admission: Free
Online: The match will be broadcast live on Dubai Exiles’ Facebook page
UAE squad: Lucas Waddington (Dubai Exiles), Gio Fourie (Exiles), Craig Nutt (Abu Dhabi Harlequins), Phil Brady (Harlequins), Daniel Perry (Dubai Hurricanes), Esekaia Dranibota (Harlequins), Matt Mills (Exiles), Jaen Botes (Exiles), Kristian Stinson (Exiles), Murray Reason (Abu Dhabi Saracens), Dave Knight (Hurricanes), Ross Samson (Jebel Ali Dragons), DuRandt Gerber (Exiles), Saki Naisau (Dragons), Andrew Powell (Hurricanes), Emosi Vacanau (Harlequins), Niko Volavola (Dragons), Matt Richards (Dragons), Luke Stevenson (Harlequins), Josh Ives (Dubai Sports City Eagles), Sean Stevens (Saracens), Thinus Steyn (Exiles)
SPEC%20SHEET%3A%20SAMSUNG%20GALAXY%20S24%20ULTRA
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Tearful appearance
Chancellor Rachel Reeves set markets on edge as she appeared visibly distraught in parliament on Wednesday.
Legislative setbacks for the government have blown a new hole in the budgetary calculations at a time when the deficit is stubbornly large and the economy is struggling to grow.
She appeared with Keir Starmer on Thursday and the pair embraced, but he had failed to give her his backing as she cried a day earlier.
A spokesman said her upset demeanour was due to a personal matter.