How Arab leaders can trump America’s Gaza reconstruction plan

Activists outside the US embassy in London on Saturday for a demonstration against US President Donald Trump's Gaza reconstruction plan. EPA

Since taking office, US President Donald Trump’s governance style has sparked fierce debates and sometimes downright outrage around the world, including in his own country. The fundamental problem with Mr Trump’s pronouncements appears to be that he misunderstands some of the issues he has been dealing with – be it Israel’s actions in Gaza and the West Bank, and the path to ending the Arab-Israeli conflict, or Ukraine’s central role in the balance of power between Europe and Russia.

Some world leaders have started to push back against Mr Trump’s proposals. They have been aided by an insight, namely that the US President isn’t as unstoppable as he seems. He can be challenged, as he has been at home by the courts and the media, and there is a sense that his projects – whether for American dominance, Israeli expansionism, or their joint security agenda – can be resisted, too.

This doesn’t mean that Mr Trump will waver or back down, because he only shifts when he is offered options that account for the momentum he has created.

Saudi Arabia’s firm rejection of his proposals – to displace Palestinians, dismantle the two-state solution and endorse Israel’s claim that Jordan should be the “alternative homeland” – proves that his pronouncements can be confronted. But with the situation in the Palestinian territories being highly uncertain, a comprehensive, realistic and forward-thinking Arab strategy is essential to blocking some of Mr Trump’s most dangerous plans.

There is already some movement in that direction. For example, there appears to be a growing consensus among some Arab leaders that tolerating Hamas is no longer a viable policy, with the group’s modus operandi having led to Gaza’s almost-total devastation and the forced displacement of Palestinians under relentless US-Israeli firepower.

A Palestinian released from Israeli detention is welcomed on arrival in Ramallah, in the occupied West Bank. EPA

A Palestinian embraces loved ones in Ramallah after being released from an Israeli jail. EPA

Families reunite as dozens of Palestinians arrive in Ramallah, after being released from Israeli prisons. Reuters

Palestinian prisoners are greeted by their loved ones. AP Photo

A former Palestinian prisoner released by Israel waves to a cheering crowd. AFP

A former Palestinian prisoner released by Israel flashes the victory sign. AFP

A freed Palestinian prisoner is greeted by a loved one. Reuters

Left to right, Ohad Ben Ami, Or Levy and Eli Sharabi are the latest hostages to be released. AFP

Mr Ami was held in Gaza since the deadly October 7, 2023 attack. Reuters

Mr Sharabi is released by Hamas militants. Reuters

Michal Cohen, front left, the mother of Ohad Ben Ami, joins other relatives to celebrate Ohad's release from captivity. Getty Images

Families and supporters celebrate the release of Ohad Ben Ami and Eli Sharabi, who were taken from Kibbutz Be'eri and held in Gaza since the October 7, 2023 attack. Reuters

Relatives of Israeli hostage Eli Sharabi watch on television preparations for his release. AFP

The Red Cross team arrives ahead of the release of hostages. Reuters

Members of Israeli forces gather outside the Israeli military prison, Ofer. Reuters

In Tel Aviv, people wait to watch a livestream on a big screen reporting on the release of Israeli hostages Eli Sharabi, Or Levy and Ohad Ben Ami, to be transferred from Hamas to the Red Cross. EPA

Supporters in Tel Aviv hold posters bearing a pictures of Ohad Ben Ami, left, and Or Levy, two of three Israeli hostages to be released by Hamas. AFP

Israeli troops and vehicles inside Ofer military prison, between Ramallah and Beituniya in the occupied West Bank, awaiting the release of Palestinian detainees as part of an exchange on February 8. AFP

Thus, it’s no coincidence that Arab League Secretary General Ahmed Aboul Gheit, ahead of an emergency Arab summit, publicly stated that Hamas must “step down”. This isn’t just a bold stance, it’s the foundation of an emerging Arab strategy to counter Mr Trump’s proposals and Israel’s longstanding use of Hamas’s intransigence as a pretext for its brutal and illegal policies.

However, this not only means that the group must be persuaded to step aside; it also requires the Palestinian Authority to finally rise to the occasion. It needs to reinvent itself immediately through reforms and new leadership, and present a clear roadmap in co-ordination with Arab states. The time for aimless rejectionism is over. The PA must stop its endless evasion, for this is a fateful moment.

Mr Trump probably doesn’t grasp the fine print of his own grand schemes, including his push to take control of Gaza, for such actions will only serve to destabilise Arab allies such as Jordan and Egypt. The US President still clings to his “Deal of the Century” dream to secure normalisation of relations between the Arab world and Israel. Yet, through his reckless proposals, he is actually sabotaging it.

The Arab emergency summit scheduled for February 27 should, therefore, focus on presenting practical alternatives to Mr Trump’s plan – drawing from local assessments and proposals such as that of David Petraeus.

The retired US general previously outlined a reconstruction plan based on security and political parameters that are far removed from the US President’s “displacement-for-reconstruction” scheme. The core idea revolves around a partnership with Gazans – alongside Arab states and without Hamas – ensuring their safe return to the north through a phased, block-by-block rebuilding process. Temporary transition measures must be put in place while housing units are rebuilt in stages.

The reconstruction effort will of course be huge, and it will require enormous financial backing.

Donald Trump tells King Abdullah II that US 'will take Gaza'

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The challenge for the Arab leadership is resisting Mr Trump’s push for American control over Gaza through a bilateral deal with Israel – one that would transfer the territory’s administration from Israeli hands to direct US control. But just as American institutions have legally challenged Mr Trump on domestic issues, the Arab summit must adopt an international legal stance asserting that neighbouring countries are not bound by such bilateral US-Israeli agreements.

Global diplomatic mobilisation will also be crucial to blocking forced displacement. Action must be taken in international forums to obstruct Mr Trump’s ambitions in Gaza.

For their part, Arab leaders should head off the US President’s project by ensuring Arab ownership of Gaza’s reconstruction, preferably through a fund that invites European and Asian investments as well. However, this must be done without excluding American interests, whether intentionally or unintentionally.

There is renewed discussion in Israeli and American circles about Israel annexing the West Bank. This is a dangerous proposition, and it needs to be confronted at the Arab summit. The leaders in attendance should make their stance on the various elements contained in the issue crystal clear, especially because there is a growing perception that the region has no choice but to submit to the US President’s annexation plans, no matter how delusional they may seem to any rational observer.

Such a bold stance could well force Mr Trump to take a step back, as he often does. But how far he retreats will depend entirely on how far the Arab leadership pushes forward with a serious strategy to counter the chaos being sown by the new administration in Washington.