Raghida Dergham is the founder and executive chairwoman of the Beirut Institute, and a columnist for The National
February 25, 2024
When the leaders of two global superpowers take personal jabs at each other, their very public exchange becomes more than a mere spectacle. It becomes a source of anxiety and alarm.
US President Joe Biden and Russian President Vladimir Putin have engaged in a war of words in recent days, and as both men seek re-election at different points this year, the foreign policy dimensions of these elections extend from Europe to the Middle East and the Red Sea.
Despite the notion that Mr Putin favours Mr Biden’s re-election – as he said last Wednesday – several reasons suggest otherwise. Chief among them is Mr Biden’s pivotal role in galvanising Nato and fortifying its support for Ukraine, ultimately expanding the group’s membership. Russia’s international standing has declined lately, due in part to American and European sanctions after the outbreak of war in Ukraine two years ago.
In contrast to Mr Biden, his predecessor and presumptive opponent – Donald Trump – is vowing to resolve the Ukraine conflict not through military decisiveness that would favour Kyiv but through a deal with Moscow. Mr Trump has also pledged unequivocally that Ukraine will not join Nato on his watch. It is a position that, logically speaking, would favour Russia.
This means that Mr Putin’s suggestion that Moscow would like to see Mr Biden defeat Mr Trump appears to be a tactic to unsettle the US administration. Mr Biden surely knows this, particularly as the governing Democratic Party holds lingering resentment towards the Kremlin for historical reasons, accusing it of meddling in the 2016 presidential election that led to Mr Trump’s victory over Hillary Clinton.
However, this does not imply that Moscow eagerly awaits a Trump presidency, especially due to his unpredictability.
Even as he sparred verbally with Mr Biden, Mr Putin took to the skies aboard a modernised, Soviet-era nuclear bomber to remind the West of its potency in potential nuclear conflicts. In response, the US cautioned against launching nuclear anti-satellite weapons into space, categorising it as a perilous escalation in Cold War power dynamics and a breach of the 1967 treaty prohibiting the deployment of nuclear weapons in space.
Local residents attend a memorial ceremony under a destroyed bridge in Irpin, Kyiv, on the second anniversary of Russia's invasion of Ukraine. AFP
Canada's Prime Minister Justin Trudeau, Italy's Prime Minister Giorgia Meloni, Ukraine's President Volodymyr Zelenskyy, European Commission President Ursula von der Leyen and Belgium's Prime Minister Alexander De Croo attend a wreath-lying ceremony at the Memory Wall of Fallen Defenders of Ukraine in Kyiv. AFP
A woman reacts next to flags bearing symbols and colours of Ukraine set to commemorate fallen Ukrainian army soldiers at Independence Square in Kyiv. AFP
A person waves a Ukrainian flag in Berlin. Reuters
The Eiffel Tower is lit in the colours of Ukrainian flag in Paris. AFP
The Chain Bridge is illuminated with the colours of Ukraine to mark the second anniversary of Russia's invasion of the country in Budapest, Hungary. AFP
Ukrainian citizen and anti-war activists holding Moldovan and Ukrainian flags at a protest in front of the Russian embassy, in Chisinau, Moldova. EPA
Ukrainians and their supporters carry a huge Ukrainian flag during a rally at the National Mall near the Lincoln Memorial in Washington. AP
Ukraine's national flower, the sunflower, placed amid a crowd in Times Square. Getty Images
People attend a protest to mark the two-year anniversary of the Russian invasion of Ukraine, at the Old Town Square in Prague, Czech Republic. Reuters
Pro-Ukraine demonstrators take part in a rally commemorating the second anniversary of the Russian invasion of Ukraine at the Obelisk in Buenos Aires. AFP
People attend a demonstration to mark the second anniversary of Russia's full-scale invasion of Ukraine, in Madrid, Spain. Reuters
The Frankfurt Europe Tower in the colours of the Ukrainian flag as a sign of solidarity with the people suffering from the war in Ukraine. AP
Paper angels displayed as people attend a prayer service at the Ukrainian Catholic Cathedral in London, UK. Getty Images
A dog wearing a jacket with the slogan "UK Dogs Back Ukraine" at a vigil in Trafalgar Square, in London. AFP
The Place du Capitole illuminated in the colours of the Ukrainian flag to mark the second anniversary of the Russian invasion of Ukraine, in Toulouse. AFP
Despite the notion that Putin favours Biden’s re-election, several reasons suggest otherwise
Moscow denied having any intentions to manufacture and launch weapons into space, accusing the Biden administration of a “malicious fabrication” aimed at securing US Congressional approval for military aid to Ukraine. Concurrently, American diplomats mobilised efforts to garner international condemnation against Russia, reaching out not only to the G7 but also to China and India, urging them to censure Moscow for jeopardising global stability with a potential nuclear arms race in space.
The US Department of the Treasury then announced sanctions on more than 500 entities and individuals, coinciding with the second anniversary of the war in Ukraine. This marks the most extensive US sanctions package against Moscow to date. Some of these sanctions, crafted in collaboration with other nations, specifically target the Russian military-industrial complex and companies in third countries facilitating Moscow’s alleged access to sanctioned goods.
These sanctions carry profound consequences for Russia and are aimed at increasing its international isolation. And yet today, isolation is not limited to Russia. It also affects the US – not due to the war in Ukraine but rather because of Washington’s stand in the Gaza conflict.
At a recent G20 meeting in Brazil, America found itself isolated. It faced criticism for shielding Israel from accountability and for, once again, using its veto power to block a UN Security Council resolution calling for a ceasefire in Gaza.
At the meeting, ministers from various countries – including from allied nations such as Australia – spoke candidly, delivering sharp criticisms against Washington. Brazil and South Africa, along with other nations, expressed dissatisfaction with US protection of Israel and strong displeasure with Israeli actions against civilians in Gaza. Countries such as Spain, Ireland and Argentina were among those displaying dismay and anger too.
US Secretary of State Antony Blinken avoided confrontation, responding simply by saying: “There may be differences over tactics … but we’re trying to focus on actually getting results.” Indeed, the Biden administration continues to seek a new formula to resolve the Gaza crisis, as it attempts to revive the two-state solution.
The Gaza issue holds less significance for Russia right now, as it remains focused on the war in Ukraine and on its rivalry with the West. What carry weight for Russia are assurances it has reportedly received from Iran, that the Houthi operations in the Red Sea will not affect Russian interests or those of its friends.
US Secretary of State Antony Blinken participates in the opening of the G20 foreign ministers' meeting in Rio de Janeiro, Brazil, on Wednesday. EPA
In a speech to be delivered on Thursday, Mr Putin is expected to clarify Russia’s strategic position and the nature of its relations with the West. From describing it as no longer a friend of Moscow, will he label it an “enemy”? This would underscore the serious deterioration in relations and no foreseeable prospect of their restoration.
There are worries that tensions will escalate, reaching a dangerous confrontation between nuclear states. The danger lies particularly in the breakdown of communication between the Russia and the US.
International confusion is evident in various files, notably the conflict in Ukraine and the Israel-Gaza war for the Europeans. The ongoing discussions do not focus on a comprehensive resolution to these conflicts. They settle for the limits of “crisis management” and working towards “lasting stability”, not towards achieving a “peaceful settlement” or peace with unequivocal guarantees for Israeli security.
Russia is outside the scope of the US’s search for a new “mechanism” based on de-escalation and diplomatic resolution with vague assurances. Washington’s focus, instead, is on a new axis that includes influential Arab countries, particularly those that have access to Hamas. I am given to understand that the Biden administration seeks to coerce Iran into persuading Hamas, Hezbollah and the Houthis to de-escalate. If successful, the chances of the war in Gaza expanding into a regional conflict are low.
Meanwhile, the worry is that even as Mr Biden continues to tread cautiously with the Israeli government and Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu, his war of words with Mr Putin has so far been unrestrained. In an election year, this carries added significance.
Fortuna Dusseldorf v Borussia Monchengladbach (9.30pm)
Sunday
Cologne v Bayern Munich (6.30pm)
Mainz v FC Schalke (9pm)
Fireball
Moscow claimed it hit the largest military fuel storage facility in Ukraine, triggering a huge fireball at the site.
A plume of black smoke rose from a fuel storage facility in the village of Kalynivka outside Kyiv on Friday after Russia said it had destroyed the military site with Kalibr cruise missiles.
"On the evening of March 24, Kalibr high-precision sea-based cruise missiles attacked a fuel base in the village of Kalynivka near Kyiv," the Russian defence ministry said in a statement.
Ukraine confirmed the strike, saying the village some 40 kilometres south-west of Kyiv was targeted.
Direct flights from the UAE to the Nepalese capital, Kathmandu, are available with Air Arabia, (www.airarabia.com) Fly Dubai (www.flydubai.com) or Etihad (www.etihad.com) from Dh1,200 return including taxes. The trek described here started from Jomson, but there are many other start and end point variations depending on how you tailor your trek. To get to Jomson from Kathmandu you must first fly to the lake-side resort town of Pokhara with either Buddha Air (www.buddhaair.com) or Yeti Airlines (www.yetiairlines.com). Both charge around US$240 (Dh880) return. From Pokhara there are early morning flights to Jomson with Yeti Airlines or Simrik Airlines (www.simrikairlines.com) for around US$220 (Dh800) return.
The trek
Restricted area permits (US$500 per person) are required for trekking in the Upper Mustang area. The challenging Meso Kanto pass between Tilcho Lake and Jomson should not be attempted by those without a lot of mountain experience and a good support team. An excellent trekking company with good knowledge of Upper Mustang, the Annaurpuna Circuit and Tilcho Lake area and who can help organise a version of the trek described here is the Nepal-UK run Snow Cat Travel (www.snowcattravel.com). Prices vary widely depending on accommodation types and the level of assistance required.
LA LIGA FIXTURES
Saturday (All UAE kick-off times)
Valencia v Atletico Madrid (midnight)
Mallorca v Alaves (4pm)
Barcelona v Getafe (7pm)
Villarreal v Levante (9.30pm)
Sunday
Granada v Real Volladolid (midnight)
Sevilla v Espanyol (3pm)
Leganes v Real Betis (5pm)
Eibar v Real Sociedad (7pm)
Athletic Bilbao v Osasuna (9.30pm)
Monday
Real Madrid v Celta Vigo (midnight)
Stormy seas
Weather warnings show that Storm Eunice is soon to make landfall. The videographer and I are scrambling to return to the other side of the Channel before it does. As we race to the port of Calais, I see miles of wire fencing topped with barbed wire all around it, a silent ‘Keep Out’ sign for those who, unlike us, aren’t lucky enough to have the right to move freely and safely across borders.
We set sail on a giant ferry whose length dwarfs the dinghies migrants use by nearly a 100 times. Despite the windy rain lashing at the portholes, we arrive safely in Dover; grateful but acutely aware of the miserable conditions the people we’ve left behind are in and of the privilege of choice.
Israel Palestine on Swedish TV 1958-1989
Director: Goran Hugo Olsson
Rating: 5/5
Petrarch: Everywhere a Wanderer
Christopher Celenza,
Reaktion Books
Living in...
This article is part of a guide on where to live in the UAE. Our reporters will profile some of the country’s most desirable districts, provide an estimate of rental prices and introduce you to some of the residents who call each area home.
Family: Wife, Pom; and daughters Kate, 18, and Ciara, 13, who attend Jumeirah English Speaking School (JESS)
Favourite book or author: “That’s a really difficult question. I’m a big fan of Donna Tartt, The Secret History. I’d recommend that, go and have a read of that.”
Dream: “It would be to continue to have fun and to work with really interesting people, which I have been very fortunate to do for a lot of my life. I just enjoy working with very smart, fun people.”
UAE currency: the story behind the money in your pockets
Is it worth it? We put cheesecake frap to the test.
The verdict from the nutritionists is damning. But does a cheesecake frappuccino taste good enough to merit the indulgence?
My advice is to only go there if you have unusually sweet tooth. I like my puddings, but this was a bit much even for me. The first hit is a winner, but it's downhill, slowly, from there. Each sip is a little less satisfying than the last, and maybe it was just all that sugar, but it isn't long before the rush is replaced by a creeping remorse. And half of the thing is still left.
The caramel version is far superior to the blueberry, too. If someone put a full caramel cheesecake through a liquidiser and scooped out the contents, it would probably taste something like this. Blueberry, on the other hand, has more of an artificial taste. It's like someone has tried to invent this drink in a lab, and while early results were promising, they're still in the testing phase. It isn't terrible, but something isn't quite right either.
So if you want an experience, go for a small, and opt for the caramel. But if you want a cheesecake, it's probably more satisfying, and not quite as unhealthy, to just order the real thing.
