Palestinian activist Marwan Barghouti, who is serving five life sentences after being convicted by an Israeli court in May 2004 of five murders linked to the activities of the Al-Aqsa Martyrs' Brigades. Jeremy Feldman / AP Photo
Palestinian activist Marwan Barghouti, who is serving five life sentences after being convicted by an Israeli court in May 2004 of five murders linked to the activities of the Al-Aqsa Martyrs' Brigades. Jeremy Feldman / AP Photo
Palestinian activist Marwan Barghouti, who is serving five life sentences after being convicted by an Israeli court in May 2004 of five murders linked to the activities of the Al-Aqsa Martyrs' Brigades. Jeremy Feldman / AP Photo
Palestinian activist Marwan Barghouti, who is serving five life sentences after being convicted by an Israeli court in May 2004 of five murders linked to the activities of the Al-Aqsa Martyrs' Brigade

Newsmaker: Marwan Barghouti


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It isn't the first time that imprisoned Palestinian activist Marwan Barghouti has written a controversial comment-article for a major newspaper in the United States. In fact, it isn't even the first time that, in giving him a platform in the western media, an American newspaper has glossed over some details of the life of a man who is now 13 years into five life sentences handed down by an Israeli court in 2004.

On Tuesday, The New York Times was called out by its own public editor. It was, Liz Spayd wrote, vital to "fully identify the biography and credentials of authors [to] help people make judgements about the opinions they're reading".

But behind the smokescreen of protest from Israel this week over the "skimping" on the details of Barghouti's author's biography in the Times is a glimpse of an altogether more tantalising prospect – that Barghouti, orchestrator of a mass hunger-­strike this week among his fellow prisoners in Israel, may be shaping up to fulfil his long-touted potential as the Palestinian Mandela.

Marwan Hasib Ibrahim Barghouti was born into the extended family of the Barghouti clan in the village of Kobar, Ramallah, on June 6, 1959. That year also saw the birth of Fatah, the Palestinian national liberation organisation, which Barghouti joined in 1974, at the age of 15.

He was jailed for the first time in 1978, spending four years in prison for membership in an armed group. He put the time to good use, learning English and Hebrew, and finished his schooling and, upon his release in 1983, enrolled in Birzeit University to study history and political science. It was at Birzeit that he met his future wife, lawyer Fadwa Ibrahim, whom he married in 1984. They have four children.

The foundations of Barghouti’s political credibility within Fatah and the wider Palestinian community were laid three years later, when he rose to prominence as a leader during the 1987 uprising that became known as the First Intifada. Though the Palestinian revolt against Israel’s occupation of the West Bank and Gaza would drag on for five more bloody years, Barghouti’s role was terminated in 1987, when he was exiled to Jordan.

It was seven long years before he was able to return in 1994, under the terms of the Oslo Accords signed the previous year between the Palestine Liberation Organisation and Israel. Two years later he was elected to the new Palestinian Legislative Council.

But hamstrung politics would soon give way again to violence. As leader of the Tanzim, Fatah’s armed wing, Barghouti played a prominent role during the Second Intifada. This exploded in September 2000, in the wake of the collapse of the Middle East Peace Summit at Camp David and following the provocative visit by Ariel Sharon, at that time the leader of Israel’s Likud party, to the contested precinct that is the home of the Al-Aqsa mosque. This, Barghouti later said, was “the straw that broke the camel’s back”.

Barghouti became a wanted man, his capture ordered by a personal decree by then prime minister Sharon, according to an investigation last year by liberal-­leaning Israeli newspaper Haaretz, and this was the moment he chose to make his first appearance in the American press. In January 2002, billed only as "general secretary of Fatah on the West Bank", he staked his claim as a force to be reckoned with in Palestinian politics with an op-ed article written for The Washington Post.

Beneath the provocative headline – “Want security? End the occupation” – there was the suggestion of an olive branch. Yes, for “years I languished as a political prisoner in an Israeli jail, where I was tortured”, Barghouti wrote. “But since 1994 … I have been a tireless advocate of a peace based on fairness and equality ... I still seek peaceful coexistence between the equal and independent countries of Israel and Palestine based on full withdrawal from Palestinian territories occupied in 1967”.

Just three months later, Barghouti – "the 'chief of staff of the intifada', from Israel's point of view" according to Haaretz – was tracked down and arrested. In May 2004, he was convicted of five murders linked to the activities of the Al-Aqsa Martyrs' Brigades and received five life sentences.

In November 2007, Uri Avnery, a former member of the Israeli parliament and founder of the Gush Shalom peace movement, made what at the time seemed a surprising prediction. Barghouti, Avnery wrote in The New Internationalist, was "Palestine's Mandela", a man blessed with a "mysterious … charisma" and radiating "a quiet authority" who possessed the potential not only to heal the crippling Fatah-­Hamas rift but also to resolve the interminable Israeli-Palestinian conflict.

Barghouti’s followers, wrote Avnery, “believe that at the right time, when Israel comes to the conclusion that it needs peace, he will be released from prison and play a central role in the reconciliation – much as Mandela was released … in South Africa when the white government came to the conclusion that the apartheid regime could not be sustained”.

Barghouti is said to be an avid reader, consuming histories and biographies, including that of Nelson Mandela by the British author Anthony Sampson. In 2013, the campaign for Barghouti’s release, backed by eight Nobel Peace laureates, would be launched from Mandela’s old cell on Robben Island.

In 2009, Foreign Policy magazine took up the theme, highlighting "a growing acknowledgement among Israelis and Palestinians that Barghouti's broad appeal and reformist streak offer the best prospects for peace".

This, some observers have suggested, is the subtext behind the hunger-strike by more than 1,000 Palestinian prisoners, ordered this week by Barghouti, and the accompanying article in The New York Times, datelined "Hadarim Prison, Israel". This, The Times of Israel grudgingly concedes, is Barghouti's "great gamble … a risky bid for political relevance".

It is difficult to see what "risk" a man serving five life sentences might fear. But taken together, the strike and The New York Times broadside serve to remind Israel, Palestine and the wider world that, at the age of 57, Barghouti is young enough and influential enough to be considered a viable successor to 82-year-old Mahmoud Abbas, the Palestinian president, who in October underwent his third cardiac surgery.

And in that alternative, Barghouti’s supporters believe, may be found the promise of peace and justice that has vexed and eluded the Palestinian people for so long.

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How Islam's view of posthumous transplant surgery changed

Transplants from the deceased have been carried out in hospitals across the globe for decades, but in some countries in the Middle East, including the UAE, the practise was banned until relatively recently.

Opinion has been divided as to whether organ donations from a deceased person is permissible in Islam.

The body is viewed as sacred, during and after death, thus prohibiting cremation and tattoos.

One school of thought viewed the removal of organs after death as equally impermissible.

That view has largely changed, and among scholars and indeed many in society, to be seen as permissible to save another life.

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Biog

Age: 50

Known as the UAE’s strongest man

Favourite dish: “Everything and sea food”

Hobbies: Drawing, basketball and poetry

Favourite car: Any classic car

Favourite superhero: The Hulk original

If you go

The flights

There are direct flights from Dubai to Sofia with FlyDubai (www.flydubai.com) and Wizz Air (www.wizzair.com), from Dh1,164 and Dh822 return including taxes, respectively.

The trip

Plovdiv is 150km from Sofia, with an hourly bus service taking around 2 hours and costing $16 (Dh58). The Rhodopes can be reached from Sofia in between 2-4hours.

The trip was organised by Bulguides (www.bulguides.com), which organises guided trips throughout Bulgaria. Guiding, accommodation, food and transfers from Plovdiv to the mountains and back costs around 170 USD for a four-day, three-night trip.

 

Mercer, the investment consulting arm of US services company Marsh & McLennan, expects its wealth division to at least double its assets under management (AUM) in the Middle East as wealth in the region continues to grow despite economic headwinds, a company official said.

Mercer Wealth, which globally has $160 billion in AUM, plans to boost its AUM in the region to $2-$3bn in the next 2-3 years from the present $1bn, said Yasir AbuShaban, a Dubai-based principal with Mercer Wealth.

Within the next two to three years, we are looking at reaching $2 to $3 billion as a conservative estimate and we do see an opportunity to do so,” said Mr AbuShaban.

Mercer does not directly make investments, but allocates clients’ money they have discretion to, to professional asset managers. They also provide advice to clients.

“We have buying power. We can negotiate on their (client’s) behalf with asset managers to provide them lower fees than they otherwise would have to get on their own,” he added.

Mercer Wealth’s clients include sovereign wealth funds, family offices, and insurance companies among others.

From its office in Dubai, Mercer also looks after Africa, India and Turkey, where they also see opportunity for growth.

Wealth creation in Middle East and Africa (MEA) grew 8.5 per cent to $8.1 trillion last year from $7.5tn in 2015, higher than last year’s global average of 6 per cent and the second-highest growth in a region after Asia-Pacific which grew 9.9 per cent, according to consultancy Boston Consulting Group (BCG). In the region, where wealth grew just 1.9 per cent in 2015 compared with 2014, a pickup in oil prices has helped in wealth generation.

BCG is forecasting MEA wealth will rise to $12tn by 2021, growing at an annual average of 8 per cent.

Drivers of wealth generation in the region will be split evenly between new wealth creation and growth of performance of existing assets, according to BCG.

Another general trend in the region is clients’ looking for a comprehensive approach to investing, according to Mr AbuShaban.

“Institutional investors or some of the families are seeing a slowdown in the available capital they have to invest and in that sense they are looking at optimizing the way they manage their portfolios and making sure they are not investing haphazardly and different parts of their investment are working together,” said Mr AbuShaban.

Some clients also have a higher appetite for risk, given the low interest-rate environment that does not provide enough yield for some institutional investors. These clients are keen to invest in illiquid assets, such as private equity and infrastructure.

“What we have seen is a desire for higher returns in what has been a low-return environment specifically in various fixed income or bonds,” he said.

“In this environment, we have seen a de facto increase in the risk that clients are taking in things like illiquid investments, private equity investments, infrastructure and private debt, those kind of investments were higher illiquidity results in incrementally higher returns.”

The Abu Dhabi Investment Authority, one of the largest sovereign wealth funds, said in its 2016 report that has gradually increased its exposure in direct private equity and private credit transactions, mainly in Asian markets and especially in China and India. The authority’s private equity department focused on structured equities owing to “their defensive characteristics.”