The Indian Supreme Court's decision to scrap electoral bonds has refocused attention on the controversial financing of polls in the world's largest democracy, expected to be the most expensive when general elections are held in April and May this year.
Political parties and candidates are set to spend more than 1.2 trillion rupees ($14.4 billion) in the elections, said N Bhaskara Rao, chairman of Centre for Media Studies in New Delhi, which tracks political expenditure figures.
This estimate would make the elections the most expensive.
About $14.4 billion – the lower end of Mr Rao's prediction – was spent during the US presidential and congressional races in 2020, according to OpenSecrets.org, which also tracks election spending.
Introduced by Prime Minister Narendra Modi's government in 2017, the electoral bonds system allowed donors, including corporations, to buy the instruments from state-controlled banks to fund political parties without their names being made public.
It was challenged by opposition members and civil society groups who argued the system facilitated corruption and money laundering, and misled the public about who funded political parties.
But despite the Supreme Court deeming the system unconstitutional, experts say this spring's general elections in India are likely to involve a record amount of election spending – including vast amounts of bribes and “dirty money”.
“Money matters in Indian elections. Unaccounted cash plays an important role in getting votes,” said Niranjan Sahoo, a senior fellow at the Observer Research Foundation, a New Delhi-based think tank.
Most expensive ever?
Mr Rao's estimate would also mean that the 2024 India elections are set to cost more than double that of India's last general elections in 2019, when candidates spent about 600 billion rupees ($7.2 billion), according to a report from Centre for Media Studies.
The amount this time equates to about 1,240 rupees ($14.95) spent for each of India's 968 million eligible voters, or nearly 2.2 billion rupees for each parliamentary constituency.
Mr Rao told The National that the elections would cost more due to the larger electorate, and attributed the rise in spending to increased costs from social media and publicity campaigns as well as travel costs.
Dirty money
These figures are estimates due to the difficulties of tracing unofficial payments that are widespread in Indian election campaigns, including illegal payments to voters in return for their support.
India's Election Commission has set an official spending limit for candidates – which varies between 7.5 million and 9.5 million rupees per candidate, depending on the state where they are standing for election.
The federal government accounts for around 10 per cent of the predicted total expenditure to hold the elections. This is according to the last available figures – for the 2014 election, when it spent 38.70 billion rupees ($466 million).
The rest is spent by political parties and candidates, and their legal and accounted expenses represent only a small fraction of the estimated real amount.
According to reports, many candidates give out cash and other gifts – ranging from bicycles to phones and even goats – as part of their electoral campaigns.
“The use of black money has become rampant. The Election Commission’s limit on candidates’ spending is not effective and laws are not properly enforced,” said Mr Sahoo.
The amount of informal money spent is so vast that it may even affect India's economy and boost growth, said Madan Sabnavis, chief economist at the Bank of Baroda.
BJP's war chest
Although the ruling Bharatiya Janata Party was the main beneficiary of the electoral bonds scheme, it also has the strongest alternative sources of political funding and remains the richest party going into the election.
The BJP received 52.7 billion rupees from a total of 92 billion rupees ($1.1 billion), or 57 per cent of the value of electoral bonds sold from 2018 to 2022, according to Election Commission data.
The main opposition, the Congress Party, received 9.6 billion rupees, or 10 per cent, in the same period.
In the official figures for political parties in the last general election in 2019, the BJP spent about 11.4 billion rupees, close to double the amount spent by Congress, according to the Association for Democratic Reforms, an NGO which monitors elections in India.
The party also had by far the highest election war chest in 2019. The Association for Democratic Reforms reported that the BJP collected 45 billion rupees, which was 63.34 per cent of the total funds collected, compared to 16 billion rupees collected by Congress (18.22 per cent).
The disparity led Congress leader Rahul Gandhi to accuse the BJP of making electoral bonds “a medium for taking bribes and commission” in the aftermath of the Supreme Court verdict.
But while some have praised the ruling, others have warned that unaccounted cash donations will still play a large role in the election.
“With the Supreme Court scrapping the electoral bond, which was lacking transparency, unaccounted cash donations will come back in vigour as a key mode of political funding to parties,” said Mr Sahoo.
Former chief election commissioner of India SY Quraishi, said the “purity” of the election was at risk without limits on political parties' spending and a reduction in dirty money.
“Unless these measures are taken, the purity of the election and level playing field will remain disturbed,” he told The National.
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Romarinho, Brazil
Lassana Diarra, France
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Mbark Boussoufa, Morocco
The White Lotus: Season three
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The major Hashd factions linked to Iran:
Badr Organisation: Seen as the most militarily capable faction in the Hashd. Iraqi Shiite exiles opposed to Saddam Hussein set up the group in Tehran in the early 1980s as the Badr Corps under the supervision of the Iran Revolutionary Guards Corps (IRGC). The militia exalts Iran’s Supreme Leader Ali Khamenei but intermittently cooperated with the US military.
Saraya Al Salam (Peace Brigade): Comprised of former members of the officially defunct Mahdi Army, a militia that was commanded by Iraqi cleric Moqtada Al Sadr and fought US and Iraqi government and other forces between 2004 and 2008. As part of a political overhaul aimed as casting Mr Al Sadr as a more nationalist and less sectarian figure, the cleric formed Saraya Al Salam in 2014. The group’s relations with Iran has been volatile.
Kataeb Hezbollah: The group, which is fighting on behalf of the Bashar Al Assad government in Syria, traces its origins to attacks on US forces in Iraq in 2004 and adopts a tough stance against Washington, calling the United States “the enemy of humanity”.
Asaeb Ahl Al Haq: An offshoot of the Mahdi Army active in Syria. Asaeb Ahl Al Haq’s leader Qais al Khazali was a student of Mr Al Moqtada’s late father Mohammed Sadeq Al Sadr, a prominent Shiite cleric who was killed during Saddam Hussein’s rule.
Harakat Hezbollah Al Nujaba: Formed in 2013 to fight alongside Mr Al Assad’s loyalists in Syria before joining the Hashd. The group is seen as among the most ideological and sectarian-driven Hashd militias in Syria and is the major recruiter of foreign fighters to Syria.
Saraya Al Khorasani: The ICRG formed Saraya Al Khorasani in the mid-1990s and the group is seen as the most ideologically attached to Iran among Tehran’s satellites in Iraq.
(Source: The Wilson Centre, the International Centre for the Study of Radicalisation)
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Mercer, the investment consulting arm of US services company Marsh & McLennan, expects its wealth division to at least double its assets under management (AUM) in the Middle East as wealth in the region continues to grow despite economic headwinds, a company official said.
Mercer Wealth, which globally has $160 billion in AUM, plans to boost its AUM in the region to $2-$3bn in the next 2-3 years from the present $1bn, said Yasir AbuShaban, a Dubai-based principal with Mercer Wealth.
“Within the next two to three years, we are looking at reaching $2 to $3 billion as a conservative estimate and we do see an opportunity to do so,” said Mr AbuShaban.
Mercer does not directly make investments, but allocates clients’ money they have discretion to, to professional asset managers. They also provide advice to clients.
“We have buying power. We can negotiate on their (client’s) behalf with asset managers to provide them lower fees than they otherwise would have to get on their own,” he added.
Mercer Wealth’s clients include sovereign wealth funds, family offices, and insurance companies among others.
From its office in Dubai, Mercer also looks after Africa, India and Turkey, where they also see opportunity for growth.
Wealth creation in Middle East and Africa (MEA) grew 8.5 per cent to $8.1 trillion last year from $7.5tn in 2015, higher than last year’s global average of 6 per cent and the second-highest growth in a region after Asia-Pacific which grew 9.9 per cent, according to consultancy Boston Consulting Group (BCG). In the region, where wealth grew just 1.9 per cent in 2015 compared with 2014, a pickup in oil prices has helped in wealth generation.
BCG is forecasting MEA wealth will rise to $12tn by 2021, growing at an annual average of 8 per cent.
Drivers of wealth generation in the region will be split evenly between new wealth creation and growth of performance of existing assets, according to BCG.
Another general trend in the region is clients’ looking for a comprehensive approach to investing, according to Mr AbuShaban.
“Institutional investors or some of the families are seeing a slowdown in the available capital they have to invest and in that sense they are looking at optimizing the way they manage their portfolios and making sure they are not investing haphazardly and different parts of their investment are working together,” said Mr AbuShaban.
Some clients also have a higher appetite for risk, given the low interest-rate environment that does not provide enough yield for some institutional investors. These clients are keen to invest in illiquid assets, such as private equity and infrastructure.
“What we have seen is a desire for higher returns in what has been a low-return environment specifically in various fixed income or bonds,” he said.
“In this environment, we have seen a de facto increase in the risk that clients are taking in things like illiquid investments, private equity investments, infrastructure and private debt, those kind of investments were higher illiquidity results in incrementally higher returns.”
The Abu Dhabi Investment Authority, one of the largest sovereign wealth funds, said in its 2016 report that has gradually increased its exposure in direct private equity and private credit transactions, mainly in Asian markets and especially in China and India. The authority’s private equity department focused on structured equities owing to “their defensive characteristics.”
Benefits of first-time home buyers' scheme
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UAE currency: the story behind the money in your pockets
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Engine: 2-litre TSI petrol
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Day 2, Dubai Test: At a glance
Moment of the day Pakistan’s effort in the field had hints of shambles about it. The wheels were officially off when Wahab Riaz lost his run up and aborted the delivery four times in a row. He re-measured his run, jogged in for two practice goes. Then, when he was finally ready to go, he bailed out again. It was a total cringefest.
Stat of the day – 139.5 Yasir Shah has bowled 139.5 overs in three innings so far in this Test series. Judged by his returns, the workload has not withered him. He has 14 wickets so far, and became history’s first spinner to take five-wickets in an innings in five consecutive Tests. Not bad for someone whose fitness was in question before the series.
The verdict Stranger things have happened, but it is going to take something extraordinary for Pakistan to keep their undefeated record in Test series in the UAE in tact from this position. At least Shan Masood and Sami Aslam have made a positive start to the salvage effort.
The specs: 2019 Infiniti QX50
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Engine: 2.0L, turbocharged, in-line four-cylinder
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The Gandhi Murder
- 71 - Years since the death of MK Gandhi, also christened India's Father of the Nation
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2025 Fifa Club World Cup groups
Group A: Palmeiras, Porto, Al Ahly, Inter Miami.
Group B: Paris Saint-Germain, Atletico Madrid, Botafogo, Seattle.
Group C: Bayern Munich, Auckland City, Boca Juniors, Benfica.
Group D: Flamengo, ES Tunis, Chelsea, Leon.
Group E: River Plate, Urawa, Monterrey, Inter Milan.
Group F: Fluminense, Borussia Dortmund, Ulsan, Mamelodi Sundowns.
Group G: Manchester City, Wydad, Al Ain, Juventus.
Group H: Real Madrid, Al Hilal, Pachuca, Salzburg.
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Ukraine 2 (Yaremchuk 06', Yarmolenko 27')
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Nepotism is the name of the game
Salman Khan’s father, Salim Khan, is one of Bollywood’s most legendary screenwriters. Through his partnership with co-writer Javed Akhtar, Salim is credited with having paved the path for the Indian film industry’s blockbuster format in the 1970s. Something his son now rules the roost of. More importantly, the Salim-Javed duo also created the persona of the “angry young man” for Bollywood megastar Amitabh Bachchan in the 1970s, reflecting the angst of the average Indian. In choosing to be the ordinary man’s “hero” as opposed to a thespian in new Bollywood, Salman Khan remains tightly linked to his father’s oeuvre. Thanks dad.
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Founder: Namrata Raina
Based: Dubai
Sector: E-commerce
Current number of staff: 10
Investment stage: Pre-seed
Initial investment: Undisclosed
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Yemeni government: Exiled government in Aden led by eight-member Presidential Leadership Council
Southern Transitional Council: Faction in Yemeni government that seeks autonomy for the south
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Our family matters legal consultant
Name: Hassan Mohsen Elhais
Position: legal consultant with Al Rowaad Advocates and Legal Consultants.