Patience and persistence will help young Arabs to achieve their goals

Arabic-language writers ponder the current state of the Arab world. Translated by Abdelhafid Ezzouitini

Almost four years after the outbreak of the Arab Spring, the stakes remain high for young Arab revolutionaries. However, if they don’t fall into the traps of despair or temptation, Arab youth will, sooner or later, attain their goals, wrote Ali Mohammed Fakhrou in the Sharjah-based daily Al Khaleej.

When the Arab uprisings erupted in late 2010, many commented that the youth had started to make history. Within a few weeks, the commentators said, they had shifted the Arab public from a state of fear, submission and passivity to a state of brave confrontation, vitality and resistance.

Raising slogans of democracy – namely freedom, dignity and social justice – young Arabs demanded radical changes in their countries. The clash was inevitable between tyrannical regimes and discontented Arabs led by young people who had broken free of fear and reluctance.

From the onset, it should have been clear to the leaders of Arab revolts that major transformations come through one of two ways: swift, comprehensive revolutions akin to some successful historic revolutions, or through accumulative, gradual political struggle.

A revolution is going to stagger or even fail if society is acutely polarised because of sectarian racial or ideological factors; or if the army is unsympathetic towards the rebellion – or, worse, is in the thick of corrupt politics – or if the regional and global atmosphere is anti-revolution. These factors and others can come in the way of a successful revolution and entail a great deal of blood, sweat and tears to no avail.

Still, the writer said, when a revolution is not possible, political life should not stop. Change must be sought through going down the second road: carrying on a steadfast, peaceful political struggle in all areas on a daily basis with the goal of achieving partial victories that pile up over time and make up the desired greater change.

The notion of seeking partial objectives is compatible with the field of politics. If the struggle for good causes is a daily effort in all arenas, from the media and civil society to peaceful protests and, if need be, civil disobedience, any partial success on any level will help edge closer to revolutionary goals. Of particular importance is the legislature that belongs to the people and so must not be left to the opportunists and the corrupt.

By mobilising the resources at hand and steering clear of despair, Arab youth can achieve their goal of a transition to democracy sooner or later, the writer concluded.

Shafiq Nazem Al Ghabra wrote in the London-based Al Hayat that the Arab landscape is mired in a practice of contempt that continues to be a threat to Arab authorities and nations.

Some Arab regimes remain contemptuous of the opposition and their right to exist; politicians are contemptuous of the economy and the principles of fair competition in business; and the majority is contemptuous of the minority – or the minority of the majority, depending on who has the upper hand.

When a few Iraqi opposition figures who were not allowed to express opposition overtly at home embarked on an endeavour to topple the Iraqi regime from abroad, they were looked down upon by the ruling establishment. Part of that group, however, played a major part in persuading the US of the benefits of invading Iraq.

When the Syrian people staked their claim to their natural rights, the regime heaped scorn on them and laughed at the magnitude of the opposition which was simple in the beginning. This developed into full-blown revolution as the regime intensified its brutal crackdown, leading eventually to a weakened regime, a divided society and hundreds of thousands of casualties and displaced people.

A commonplace kind of contempt in current politics is that which is displayed towards Islamic movements that are dismissed as terrorist, regressive and criminal groups that must be utterly excluded. All Islamic organisations, however, did not start off as Al Qaeda did. In fact, Al Qaeda itself was a product of the misjudgement that Afghan jihad needed Arab and non-Arab volunteers.

Putting moderate Islamist movements involved in armed struggle against occupation in the same basket as Al Qaeda and its ilk is a risky business for the region, the writer continued. Exclusion of peaceful Islamists means wide segments of poor and middle-class people become disenfranchised.

To move forward, the Arab mindset must get out of the vicious circle of contempt towards opponents and human rights, and instead allow room for all kinds of healthy expression, the writer concluded.