Encouraging British Muslims to play a fuller part in public life requires the same mechanisms that would get more women or more white working-class men into public life. There isn't some parallel Muslim path. Andy Rain / EPA
Encouraging British Muslims to play a fuller part in public life requires the same mechanisms that would get more women or more white working-class men into public life. There isn't some parallel Muslim path. Andy Rain / EPA
Encouraging British Muslims to play a fuller part in public life requires the same mechanisms that would get more women or more white working-class men into public life. There isn't some parallel Muslim path. Andy Rain / EPA
Encouraging British Muslims to play a fuller part in public life requires the same mechanisms that would get more women or more white working-class men into public life. There isn't some parallel Musl

If governments really want to integrate Muslims, they should stop talking about faith


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British Muslims must be encouraged to make a “fuller” contribution to public life, according to a landmark report published last week. Entitled “The Missing Muslims: Unlocking British Muslim Potential for the Benefit of All”, the report is the result of 18 months of meetings and discussions across the UK. The main takeaways appear to be that British Muslims are “more diverse than is often assumed” and that imams should speak English.

Western governments, not only the UK government, frequently get into a muddle over their Muslim communities. Blinded by the religious assignation of the community – a label that politicians themselves welded on – governments keep talking about the Muslim community's faith, and then get frustrated when they find faith in every answer. If governments really want to integrate Muslim communities, they should stop speaking solely about faith and start seeing these millions of people as the individuals, spanning race, class and gender, that they are.

The fact is that governments don't really know how to deal with religious groups, especially a faith like Islam that is explicitly political. In the late 1990s, the UK Labour government started to engage explicitly with Muslim representatives of British Asian communities, in order to draw those communities closer to the party. In short, it was thought that by dealing with Pakistanis, Indians and Bangladeshis as Muslims, and speaking to them through their faith representatives, it would be easier to get them to vote together.

The idea that religion represented a method of political control for citizens who were born into Muslim communities persisted well into the “war on terror” era. At various points, UK governments have tried to elevate religious umbrella groups – such as the Muslim Council of Britain – into spokespeople for the entire British Asian experience. In return, these groups were expected to follow the government line – and this was during the worst excesses of the Iraq war and a harsh counter-extremism strategy at home. When that failed, the government sought to promote an apolitical Sufi brand of Islam. When that, again, didn't take, governments looked for individuals – journalists, TV personalities – who could take on the mantle of speaking for British Muslims.

Throughout, the idea that the predominantly Muslim South Asian communities, along with Arab, European and African Muslims, could be lumped together under the umbrella Muslim persisted.

The latest report makes the same mistake. It still takes it for granted that all those born into Muslim families and communities must share commonalities, commonalities that can be exploited for political purposes. That of all the vast differences in age, ethnicity, education and outlook that these communities have, the overriding and politically salient aspect of these communities is their faith.

One of the key parts of the report calls for imams to be “British-born”, with a good grasp of British culture and language and “equipped with pastoral skills so they are able to deal with the challenges facing British Muslims”.

Did you notice the switch? The challenges facing British Muslims today are economic, educational and have to do with relations with the police, government and the security services. What do imams have to teach about those challenges? To see the problem, imagine the same sentence was used about British Christians. Suddenly, it is obvious. White Brits are not monolithically “Christian” – even though a majority of British citizens still describe themselves as belonging to an organised religion. But they have all sorts of views on their faith, all sorts of degrees of belief.

On the topics that most people deal with on a daily basis – questions about work, the education of their children, public services, the bread and butter questions of politics – only the most devout would seek advice from a pastor. Many millions would not even know the name of a pastor to consult. Stand back from the discussion around “British Muslims”, and it becomes obvious what the problem is. Whereas for other faith groups, we implicitly understand that religious representatives matter only for questions of morality and faith, when it comes to Muslims, governments assume Muslims seek guidance from the man at the mosque over every part of their daily life. Governments keep asking imams about politics and then are surprised to find that these religious leaders want to talk about religion.

This is the root cause of the malaise western governments have with their Muslim citizens. They keep seeing them as Muslims. Instead of seeking to integrate these communities into the democratic and civic structures that already exist, they seek to build parallel religious structures through which to speak to just one part of the country.

Encouraging British Muslims to play a fuller part in public life requires the same mechanisms that would get more women or more white working-class men into public life. There isn't some parallel Muslim path.

If the British government wants to talk about Islam, it should speak to religious scholars. If it wants to talk to Muslims, it should just speak to its citizens.

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Mercer, the investment consulting arm of US services company Marsh & McLennan, expects its wealth division to at least double its assets under management (AUM) in the Middle East as wealth in the region continues to grow despite economic headwinds, a company official said.

Mercer Wealth, which globally has $160 billion in AUM, plans to boost its AUM in the region to $2-$3bn in the next 2-3 years from the present $1bn, said Yasir AbuShaban, a Dubai-based principal with Mercer Wealth.

Within the next two to three years, we are looking at reaching $2 to $3 billion as a conservative estimate and we do see an opportunity to do so,” said Mr AbuShaban.

Mercer does not directly make investments, but allocates clients’ money they have discretion to, to professional asset managers. They also provide advice to clients.

“We have buying power. We can negotiate on their (client’s) behalf with asset managers to provide them lower fees than they otherwise would have to get on their own,” he added.

Mercer Wealth’s clients include sovereign wealth funds, family offices, and insurance companies among others.

From its office in Dubai, Mercer also looks after Africa, India and Turkey, where they also see opportunity for growth.

Wealth creation in Middle East and Africa (MEA) grew 8.5 per cent to $8.1 trillion last year from $7.5tn in 2015, higher than last year’s global average of 6 per cent and the second-highest growth in a region after Asia-Pacific which grew 9.9 per cent, according to consultancy Boston Consulting Group (BCG). In the region, where wealth grew just 1.9 per cent in 2015 compared with 2014, a pickup in oil prices has helped in wealth generation.

BCG is forecasting MEA wealth will rise to $12tn by 2021, growing at an annual average of 8 per cent.

Drivers of wealth generation in the region will be split evenly between new wealth creation and growth of performance of existing assets, according to BCG.

Another general trend in the region is clients’ looking for a comprehensive approach to investing, according to Mr AbuShaban.

“Institutional investors or some of the families are seeing a slowdown in the available capital they have to invest and in that sense they are looking at optimizing the way they manage their portfolios and making sure they are not investing haphazardly and different parts of their investment are working together,” said Mr AbuShaban.

Some clients also have a higher appetite for risk, given the low interest-rate environment that does not provide enough yield for some institutional investors. These clients are keen to invest in illiquid assets, such as private equity and infrastructure.

“What we have seen is a desire for higher returns in what has been a low-return environment specifically in various fixed income or bonds,” he said.

“In this environment, we have seen a de facto increase in the risk that clients are taking in things like illiquid investments, private equity investments, infrastructure and private debt, those kind of investments were higher illiquidity results in incrementally higher returns.”

The Abu Dhabi Investment Authority, one of the largest sovereign wealth funds, said in its 2016 report that has gradually increased its exposure in direct private equity and private credit transactions, mainly in Asian markets and especially in China and India. The authority’s private equity department focused on structured equities owing to “their defensive characteristics.”