A displaced woman and her child sit outside a makeshift shelters at a camp in the northern province of Amran, Yemen. Yahya Arhab / EPA
A displaced woman and her child sit outside a makeshift shelters at a camp in the northern province of Amran, Yemen. Yahya Arhab / EPA
A displaced woman and her child sit outside a makeshift shelters at a camp in the northern province of Amran, Yemen. Yahya Arhab / EPA
A displaced woman and her child sit outside a makeshift shelters at a camp in the northern province of Amran, Yemen. Yahya Arhab / EPA

Houthis seek to be Yemen’s Hizbollah


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Stop us if this sounds familiar. A militant group causes upheaval in an Arab country. Backed by Iran, the group forms a stronghold in parts of the country, destabilising the rest. It seeks power and representation inside the government, but refuses to hand over any of its weapons. It threatens further destabilisation and war if the legitimate government tries to disarm it.

If you said “Hizbollah”, congratulations. You have correctly understood the past few years of Lebanon’s history. If you said “the Houthis”, congratulations. You have correctly understood the past few months of Yemen’s history.

This is the current situation that Yemen finds itself in. As part of the negotiations to end the war in Yemen, the country’s prime minister asked the rebels to surrender their weapons – as they are bound to do by a UN Security Council resolution from last year.

The Houthis refused, leading to the collapse of the unity government proposal. Ahmed bin Dagher, the prime minister, attacked “those who want a national unity government before handing over weapons”.

We have been here before. In September 2014, shortly after the Houthi rebels, backed by forces loyal to ousted president Ali Abdullah Saleh, marched into Sanaa, president Hadi offered to bring them into a government of national unity. The rebels, who have long sought power, agreed, but at the last moment, during the signing ceremony, refused to sign the part of the agreement that called for the Houthis to return the weapons they had seized. Mr Hadi called a ceasefire anyway, but the Houthis only abided by it for a short time before putting him under house arrest, sparking this latest war.

The Houthis appear to have a clear “Hizbollah” strategy. Like the Lebanese militant group, they have no intention of handing over their weapons but also wish to play an outsize role in national affairs – essentially by holding the central government hostage. In Lebanon, the central government cannot do anything that upsets Hizbollah, under threat of widespread disruption. The Houthis clearly want the same situation, of power without mandate.

Mr bin Dagher is right to refuse. The legitimate government must be restored and all weapons must be in their hands. After two years and so much destruction, the Houthis are still playing the same old tricks.

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