It would be difficult to believe that Turkey’s recent election results had not influenced the decision to wage a war on ISIL and the Kurdistan Workers’ Party (PKK), Wahid Abdul Majid argued in the Abu Dhabi newspaper Al Ittihad.
But at the same time, he added, it would not be reasonable to think that such a big decision, with far-reaching implications, was a mere reaction to the election results, even if the ruling party, the AKP, held the Kurds responsible for the loss of its majority for the first time since coming to office in 2002.
The Turkish government needed to become more forceful in its foreign policy as huge developments were playing out in the region and further afield, the writer noted. Turkey had managed to avoid direct military intervention in the region’s growing conflicts for a long time, while maintaining a relatively influential role.
But the regional transformations and their consequences had started to threaten this role. Ankara had to rethink its policies on a few issues, including those related to the Kurds and the war on ISIL, Majid said. After many years of talks aimed at resolving the Kurdish issue, Turkey has waged war against the PKK as its concerns grew about the increasing influence of the organisation and the western support for the People’s Protection Units (YPG), seen as the PKK’s offshoot in Syria.
Turkey initially made its participation in the war against ISIL conditional on the creation of a “safe zone” along the Turkish-Syrian border. Recently, however, it has revised its definition of a “safe zone” and decided to wage a war against the PKK for its role in the war on ISIL.
Ankara’s core policy shift has been an exchange: joining the war on ISIL that includes opening airbases in Incirlik and Diyarbakir in return for permission to wage a parallel war against the PKK and the West halting support for the Kurds at large, the writer said.
Ankara was also willing to accept a limited buffer zone in return, through which it aimed to provide shelter and humanitarian aid to displaced Syrians and create a strong base and training site for the moderate opposition.
Now, this ambition has been reduced to a limited area that Turkey can secure with its own air force or in collaboration with other Nato countries, should it persuade them to join it. Ankara is now aiming to keep the Kurdish areas apart and prevent the establishment of an autonomous entity in the Kurdish-held areas in northern Syria, the writer said.
Writing in the Qatari newspaper Al Sharq, Kemal Öztürk said that Turkey was involved in a serious plan to fight terrorist groups, especially ISIL and the PKK. This has important implications for its policies in Syria, Iraq, Iran and the Middle East, he wrote.
Ankara’s political manoeuvring has earned it an agreement with the US and UK on the PKK and northern Syria. The US has taken a clear stand on the PKK and its Syrian affiliate, the PYD, in exchange for allowing it to use Incirlik airbase.
On August 6, the ambassador to Turkey of a major western country told a group of journalists that his country had never been an ally of the PKK and its offshoots in Syria. Most Turkish newspapers carried the statement on their front pages the following day without mentioning the identity of the envoy, although everyone knew it was the US ambassador. On the same day, the British ambassador publicly announced his country’s clear stand against the PKK and support for Turkey.
Now, the US and other allies can mount air strikes on ISIL from the Incirlik base, while supporting Turkey’s operations against the PKK and ISIL in Syria and Iraq. Moreover, the political and media support that used to be given to the PKK and its affiliates will come to an end, according to the writer.
The coalition fighter jets that are set to arrive at Incirlik will target ISIL strongholds, while units from the moderate Syrian opposition and the PYD will secure the area on the ground. The cleared areas will be handed over to the moderate opposition, and Arab and Kurdish refugees in Turkey will be relocated there.
If this happens, Turkey will foil the PKK’s attempt to create an autonomous region in northern Syria, known as Rojava or Western Kurdistan. Yet it is unlikely that the PKK and its supporters will easily give up on their aspirations for autonomy. Although the US stands by Turkey, many European countries, including Germany, back the Kurds’ endeavour. Even some media people and political parties in Turkey strongly support it.
But Turkey has a long-term strategy in place, one that is based on zero tolerance of terrorist organisations, particularly the PKK and ISIL.
Turkey will prepare for possible snap elections in November based on these policies, the writer concluded.
* Translated by Abdelhafid Ezzouitni
aezzouitni@thenational.ae
