Coup attempt in Turkey remains misunderstood

HA Hellyer looks at the aftermath of the recent bid to seize government in Ankara

Turks shout slogans and wave national flags as they gather in solidarity after the July 15 coup attempt. Umit Bektas / Reuters

The international community has a significant challenge in front of it with regards to Turkey, following the disastrous coup attempt two weeks ago. The repercussions will be substantial for the foreseeable future, with some thorny issues resulting in the need for deft diplomatic engagement. The stakes will be high.

Turkey is not, irrespective of the current international media focus, akin to a pariah state. It is a Nato member, a member of the Council of Europe, and an integral part of a number of international institutions such as the Organisation for Security and Cooperation in Europe. For almost two decades, Turkey has also been a candidate for full membership of the European Union.

At the same time, much of the Turkish establishment and Turkish society considers the western perspective on Turkey to be less than sympathetic.

There have been a number of controversies that have resulted in bad blood in that regard, ranging from differences on how to deal with the crisis in Syria, to visa-free travel within Europe, to a stalled EU accession process and the rise of ­anti-Muslim sentiment in the West.

Following the coup attempt, the situation has deteriorated. Many Turks are convinced that much of the world and the West in particular is insufficiently against that illegal and disastrous action.

The repelling of the coup attempt will probably go down in modern Turkish history as a watershed moment – the bravery of unarmed civilians facing down a bloody criminal action, including the use of tanks, jets and other military hardware, at the cost several hundred lives.

A successful coup in Turkey would have been immensely destructive for regional stability. But whereas many international and western political leaders visited Paris, for example, in the aftermath of terrorist atrocities, there was little in the way of similar acts of solidarity with regards to Turkey.

Rightly or wrongly, there will continue to be a suspicion among many Turks that such an absence of acts of physical solidarity is evidence of ambivalence towards the coup attempt.

Political leaders in the West and the Arab world have their work cut out for them in demonstrating that this was not the case.

Many in the international community are understandably concerned about extraordinary measures Ankara is implementing under its post-coup state of emergency. A state of emergency shouldn’t be denounced as automatically unwarranted, particularly considering that many other countries have implemented states of emergency in the aftermath of far less disastrous events.

Nevertheless, there will be justifiable critiques of some decisions the government of president Recep Tayyip Erdogan is taking or considering.

Ankara has an opportunity in this regard to demonstrate that it considers such scrutiny to be part and parcel of a society run by the rule of law – and that not all censure is evidence of insincerity.

Many countries, indeed, are dubious when they raise such concerns, considering their own rights records are abysmal – but Turkey should be comfortable in holding itself to a higher standard.

When rights groups such as Amnesty International and others question the closing of different civil society institutions, the detainment of large numbers of people and accusations of abuse of some detainees, Turkey can either problematise such organisations, or view such criticism as part and parcel of a consolidation of accountability in a healthy society, and engage accordingly.

One particularly thorny issue that will cause disagreements for some time is the issue of the Gulen movement, which Ankara insists is responsible for the coup attempt.

That movement, led by self-exiled preacher Fethullah Gulen, is linked to many educational and business institutions worldwide. It will take a great deal of evidence to convince some other countries that it is not benign and responsible for the coup attempt.

Particularly as that movement appears to have enjoyed close ties with the ruling party in Turkey until as recently as 2012. Ankara may view such scepticism about the Gulen movement poorly – but it is likely to persevere for some time.

Turkey dodged a bullet with the failure of the reckless coup attempt, but paid a considerable price, in blood, in the process. Many in the international community haven’t appreciated that adequately – and that will continue to have repercussions in future engagements with Ankara.

But criticism of Turkish policies is not necessarily rooted in a secret desire to have seen the coup succeed. Accountability and due scrutiny remains indispensable, and to Turkey’s benefit. An unsettling of the relationships between Turkey and its allies, on the other hand, benefits few indeed.

Dr HA Hellyer is a non-resident senior fellow at Atlantic Council’s Centre for the Middle East in Washington DC and at the Royal United Services Institute in London

On Twitter: @hahellyer