Suleiman Frangieh, leader of the Marada movement. Reuters
Suleiman Frangieh, leader of the Marada movement. Reuters
Suleiman Frangieh, leader of the Marada movement. Reuters
Suleiman Frangieh, leader of the Marada movement. Reuters

Why have Hezbollah and Amal chosen to back Suleiman Frangieh?


Jamie Prentis
  • English
  • Arabic

It was the “secret” that everyone knew in private, but — until recently — had not been publicly declared.

On Monday night, Hassan Nasrallah, the secretary general of the highly influential Lebanese political party and Iran-backed armed group Hezbollah, lifted the veil of secrecy when he formally declared his support for Suleiman Frangieh in Lebanon’s stuttering presidential race.

Hezbollah’s backing of Mr Frangieh, a 56-year-old Maronite Christian with close ties to Syria’s Bashar Al Assad, followed soon after Speaker Nabih Berri, head of Hezbollah’s Shiite ally the Amal Movement, voiced his support for him as well.

In 11 sessions spanning nearly six months in the 128-seat legislature, the Shiite duo has almost always cast blank ballots. That they are now supporting Mr Frangieh is hardly a surprise, but in public they had been vague — until now.

“You need an indication. Now Suleiman shows he is ready to run,” said a source close to the Amal parliamentary bloc.

Asked what characteristics Mr Frangieh had that made the bloc want to support him, the source said: “His experience with the Lebanese political life. He has history, he is respected, he has weight in the Christian community. He has good relations with all Christian communities. He has good relations with Arab countries.”

Lebanon has been without a president since the end of October, when Michel Aoun stepped down at the end of his term.

MPs have held 11 sessions thus far, but come nowhere near finding a successor to the ex-army chief.

Michel Moawad has received support from about a third of MPs, mainly from those deeply opposed to Hezbollah — including the parliament’s largest party, the Christian Lebanese Forces. But the number of MPs supporting him has stagnated and, if anything, begun to drop.

Mr Berri had been scheduling regular presidential sessions in the deeply divided parliament, where no bloc holds a majority, but stopped doing so in January because of the impasse.

In the first round of voting, a two-thirds majority — or 86 seats ― is required for a successor to be named. An absolute majority is needed in subsequent ballots in the same session — although so far they have been abandoned for a lack of quorum, as Hezbollah and its allies left the room.

Now there are indications that Mr Berri could be set to resume the sessions, as soon as there are a number of serious candidates on the table. The source close to Amal indicated this could be as soon as next week, so long as Mr Frangieh formally declares his interest in the presidency.

Still, observers and opponents of Mr Frangieh feel like the timing of Hezbollah and Amal’s support is not a coincidence.

At recent talks in Paris between major powers interested in Lebanon, there were reports that Saudi Arabia had shown reservations over Mr Frangieh’s candidacy.

Hezbollah's man

“It was an open secret. We knew for a long time that Suleiman Frangieh was Hezbollah’s leading candidate,” said Karim Bitar, professor of international relations at Saint Joseph University of Beirut.

“Hezbollah is sending a signal to the local stakeholders, as well as to the regional powers, that Suleiman Frangieh is officially our candidate. At this stage we do not have a plan B.”

The reality is, however, that while the Shiite duo's support for Mr Frangieh is important, it is nowhere near enough to propel him to power.

Gebran Bassil, son-in-law of Mr Aoun and leader of Hezbollah’s Christian ally the Free Patriotic Movement, is opposed to Mr Frangieh and has designs on the presidency himself. As it is, that alliance is at risk of fracturing because of differences over who should be Lebanon's next president.

In the pro-Moawad camp, the announcement of the public support for Mr Frangieh has been given short shrift. Lebanese Forces leader Samir Geagea has said he would seek to block the appointment of any person seen as being close to Hezbollah.

“What’s really weird is that if Nasrallah was able on Monday to come out to the public and say that our candidate is Suleiman Frangieh, why didn’t he do it six months ago?” said a Lebanese Forces source. The source added that Hezbollah’s announcement came as “no surprise to anyone”.

The source also claimed that Mr Nasrallah was isolated and “cornered” as he struggled for backers — Amal notwithstanding — for Mr Frangieh.

“If he has a candidate, the best place to declare it is not on a TV screen. You have to go down to parliament and make your MPs vote.”

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Name: Steppi

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Launched: February 2020

Size: 10,000 users by the end of July and a goal of 200,000 users by the end of the year

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Financing stage: Two seed rounds – the first sourced from angel investors and the founders' personal savings

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Timeline

2012-2015

The company offers payments/bribes to win key contracts in the Middle East

May 2017

The UK SFO officially opens investigation into Petrofac’s use of agents, corruption, and potential bribery to secure contracts

September 2021

Petrofac pleads guilty to seven counts of failing to prevent bribery under the UK Bribery Act

October 2021

Court fines Petrofac £77 million for bribery. Former executive receives a two-year suspended sentence 

December 2024

Petrofac enters into comprehensive restructuring to strengthen the financial position of the group

May 2025

The High Court of England and Wales approves the company’s restructuring plan

July 2025

The Court of Appeal issues a judgment challenging parts of the restructuring plan

August 2025

Petrofac issues a business update to execute the restructuring and confirms it will appeal the Court of Appeal decision

October 2025

Petrofac loses a major TenneT offshore wind contract worth €13 billion. Holding company files for administration in the UK. Petrofac delisted from the London Stock Exchange

November 2025

180 Petrofac employees laid off in the UAE

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In addition to the Emirates and Etihad programmes, there is the Air Miles Middle East card, which offers members the ability to choose any airline, has no black-out dates and no restrictions on seat availability. Air Miles is linked up to HSBC credit cards and can also be earned through retail partners such as Spinneys, Sharaf DG and The Toy Store.

An Emirates Dubai-London round-trip ticket costs 180,000 miles on the Air Miles website. But customers earn these ‘miles’ at a much faster rate than airline miles. Adidas offers two air miles per Dh1 spent. Air Miles has partnerships with websites as well, so booking.com and agoda.com offer three miles per Dh1 spent.

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UAE currency: the story behind the money in your pockets
The Bio

Hometown: Bogota, Colombia
Favourite place to relax in UAE: the desert around Al Mleiha in Sharjah or the eastern mangroves in Abu Dhabi
The one book everyone should read: 100 Years of Solitude by Gabriel Garcia Marquez. It will make your mind fly
Favourite documentary: Chasing Coral by Jeff Orlowski. It's a good reality check about one of the most valued ecosystems for humanity

UAE currency: the story behind the money in your pockets
THE SPECS

Jaguar F-Pace SVR

Engine: 5-litre supercharged V8​​​​​​​

Transmission: 8-speed automatic

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Torque: 680Nm​​​​​​​

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UAE currency: the story behind the money in your pockets
Updated: March 08, 2023, 3:46 PM