Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu spoke to a joint meeting of the US Congress last month. AP
Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu spoke to a joint meeting of the US Congress last month. AP
Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu spoke to a joint meeting of the US Congress last month. AP
Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu spoke to a joint meeting of the US Congress last month. AP


It isn't just Netanyahu the US should point fingers at for the Middle East conflict


  • English
  • Arabic

August 05, 2024

Why – in the midst of critical negotiations to implement US President Joe Biden’s plan to bring about a ceasefire in Gaza, release Israelis held captive by Hamas and a significant number of Palestinians held by Israel, and move towards a negotiated permanent end to the conflict – would Israel decide to assassinate the chief Hamas negotiator while he was visiting Iran?

And why – while the US says it was working to de-escalate tensions with Lebanon’s Hezbollah – would Israel choose to up the ante by assassinating Hezbollah’s number two?

We know the answers to both questions: Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu is clearly not interested in peace. He doesn’t appear to want a negotiated deal to release hostages and end the war on Gaza. He doesn’t want to de-escalate the conflict in Gaza or in the north with Hezbollah. And he most certainly doesn’t want a “two-state solution” that would grant the Palestinian people independence in a sovereign state of their own.

There are two things Mr Netanyahu does seem to want, and at this point, both are perversely connected.

Above all, he desperately wants to remain in office, because should he lose his post as Prime Minister, the prosecution of the corruption charges against him will continue in full force. As the charges are so serious and the evidence so clear, he will probably be convicted and humiliated. This is not speculation – it’s widely discussed in Israel and was even hinted at by Mr Biden in a May 28 interview with Time magazine. When he was asked, “Is Netanyahu prolonging the war for political reasons?”, Mr Biden responded: “There is every reason for people to draw that conclusion.”

The second reason is that Mr Netanyahu wants the war to continue and even be accelerated. He made this clear in his remarks before US Congress and in an address to the Israeli public a few days ago. He seeks “total victory”, which he defines as more than the military defeat of Israel’s enemies.

Thousands of pro-Palestinian protesters rallied around the White House last month. Reuters
Thousands of pro-Palestinian protesters rallied around the White House last month. Reuters
If the US were serious about ending conflict in the region, stakeholders need to get serious about holding Israel accountable

Without acknowledging any Israeli culpability, he charged that the Palestinians had created a hate-filled culture which in the post-war period would require massive de-radicalisation – the outcome of which would seemingly have Palestinians accepting Jewish hegemony in Israel and understanding their place as a conquered and subordinate people. This is the messianic Zionist vision that has long driven Mr Netanyahu and which he now sees as possible, but only if all of Israel’s enemies – meaning Palestinians resisting occupation, Iran and its surrogates – are brought to heel. And this can only be realised if Israel can involve the US in their regional conquest.

Mr Netanyahu’s worldview raises several additional questions that must be considered. If we know that Mr Netanyahu has never accepted the terms of the Biden plan, why has the US President continued to maintain that it was “Israel’s plan” and placed the burden on Hamas to accept it?

And if we know that Mr Netanyahu is unwilling to make any peace agreement for fear of losing his other extremist coalition partners (who have threatened to abandon his government should he accept any terms leading to peace), why do we continue to dance around that fact?

Why hasn’t the administration condemned the assassinations in Beirut and Iran when it knows that it will surely sabotage the efforts of negotiators? Why, when we know that Mr Netanyahu has no intention of completing a deal to release those held captive, do we continue to allow him to exploit the pain of their families, pretending that negotiations are close to completion when we know they aren’t?

And why, when we know that the demands and actions of Mr Netanyahu’s extremist coalition partners are wreaking havoc in the West Bank and Jerusalem – terrorising the Palestinian population, annexing more land, building more settlements and erasing the possibility of Palestinian self-determination – has much of the international community been so passive and tolerant in response?

Let’s be clear: Hamas and Hezbollah are not good actors. The former was born of the brutal and sustained Israeli occupation of Palestinian land. It was nurtured by Israel to create division in the Palestinian ranks and fuelled by Israel’s ruthless, decades-long strangulation of the population of Gaza.

Hezbollah was born of Israel’s invasion of Lebanon and by that country’s corrupt sectarian system that denied the Shiite community adequate representation and resources. It was fuelled by Israel’s decades-long occupation of Lebanon’s south and massive devastation of the country’s infrastructure in 2006. To be sure, both have engaged in condemnable actions. But to criticise only them, while absolving Israel of its far greater crimes, is hypocrisy at best.

If the US were serious about ending conflict in the region, instead of turning a blind eye to Israel’s behaviour that is deliberately designed to provoke more war, international stakeholders need to stop playing games and get serious about holding Israel accountable.

This leads to one final question: why, when the US continues to massively supply Israel with weapons and block all efforts to sanction their deplorable behaviour, does Washington expect that anything will change?

UAE currency: the story behind the money in your pockets
The rules on fostering in the UAE

A foster couple or family must:

  • be Muslim, Emirati and be residing in the UAE
  • not be younger than 25 years old
  • not have been convicted of offences or crimes involving moral turpitude
  • be free of infectious diseases or psychological and mental disorders
  • have the ability to support its members and the foster child financially
  • undertake to treat and raise the child in a proper manner and take care of his or her health and well-being
  • A single, divorced or widowed Muslim Emirati female, residing in the UAE may apply to foster a child if she is at least 30 years old and able to support the child financially
GAC GS8 Specs

Engine: 2.0-litre 4cyl turbo

Power: 248hp at 5,200rpm

Torque: 400Nm at 1,750-4,000rpm

Transmission: 8-speed auto

Fuel consumption: 9.1L/100km

On sale: Now

Price: From Dh149,900

BMW M5 specs

Engine: 4.4-litre twin-turbo V-8 petrol enging with additional electric motor

Power: 727hp

Torque: 1,000Nm

Transmission: 8-speed auto

Fuel consumption: 10.6L/100km

On sale: Now

Price: From Dh650,000

Lexus LX700h specs

Engine: 3.4-litre twin-turbo V6 plus supplementary electric motor

Power: 464hp at 5,200rpm

Torque: 790Nm from 2,000-3,600rpm

Transmission: 10-speed auto

Fuel consumption: 11.7L/100km

On sale: Now

Price: From Dh590,000

The President's Cake

Director: Hasan Hadi

Starring: Baneen Ahmad Nayyef, Waheed Thabet Khreibat, Sajad Mohamad Qasem 

Rating: 4/5

What can victims do?

Always use only regulated platforms

Stop all transactions and communication on suspicion

Save all evidence (screenshots, chat logs, transaction IDs)

Report to local authorities

Warn others to prevent further harm

Courtesy: Crystal Intelligence

FIXTURES

All times UAE ( 4 GMT)

Saturday
Fiorentina v Torino (8pm)
Hellas Verona v Roma (10.45pm)

Sunday
Parma v Napoli (2.30pm)
Genoa v Crotone (5pm)
Sassuolo v Cagliari (8pm)
Juventus v Sampdoria (10.45pm)

Monday
AC Milan v Bologna (10.45om)

Playing September 30

Benevento v Inter Milan (8pm)
Udinese v Spezia (8pm)
Lazio v Atalanta (10.45pm)

Jetour T1 specs

Engine: 2-litre turbocharged

Power: 254hp

Torque: 390Nm

Price: From Dh126,000

Available: Now

UAE currency: the story behind the money in your pockets
Key figures in the life of the fort

Sheikh Dhiyab bin Isa (ruled 1761-1793) Built Qasr Al Hosn as a watchtower to guard over the only freshwater well on Abu Dhabi island.

Sheikh Shakhbut bin Dhiyab (ruled 1793-1816) Expanded the tower into a small fort and transferred his ruling place of residence from Liwa Oasis to the fort on the island.

Sheikh Tahnoon bin Shakhbut (ruled 1818-1833) Expanded Qasr Al Hosn further as Abu Dhabi grew from a small village of palm huts to a town of more than 5,000 inhabitants.

Sheikh Khalifa bin Shakhbut (ruled 1833-1845) Repaired and fortified the fort.

Sheikh Saeed bin Tahnoon (ruled 1845-1855) Turned Qasr Al Hosn into a strong two-storied structure.

Sheikh Zayed bin Khalifa (ruled 1855-1909) Expanded Qasr Al Hosn further to reflect the emirate's increasing prominence.

Sheikh Shakhbut bin Sultan (ruled 1928-1966) Renovated and enlarged Qasr Al Hosn, adding a decorative arch and two new villas.

Sheikh Zayed bin Sultan (ruled 1966-2004) Moved the royal residence to Al Manhal palace and kept his diwan at Qasr Al Hosn.

Sources: Jayanti Maitra, www.adach.ae

WOMAN AND CHILD

Director: Saeed Roustaee

Starring: Parinaz Izadyar, Payman Maadi

Rating: 4/5

Seven tips from Emirates NBD

1. Never respond to e-mails, calls or messages asking for account, card or internet banking details

2. Never store a card PIN (personal identification number) in your mobile or in your wallet

3. Ensure online shopping websites are secure and verified before providing card details

4. Change passwords periodically as a precautionary measure

5. Never share authentication data such as passwords, card PINs and OTPs  (one-time passwords) with third parties

6. Track bank notifications regarding transaction discrepancies

7. Report lost or stolen debit and credit cards immediately

Updated: August 05, 2024, 2:00 PM