The outgoing US administration blacklisted a second senior leader in Iraq's Popular Mobilisation Forces (PMF) in the space of a week. The PMF is an umbrella group composed mainly of Iran-backed Shiite militias and the move is intended to increase pressure on Iran's proxies in the country.
On Wednesday, the US State Department listedAbd Al Aziz Malluh Mirjirash, the PMF chief of staff and Iran-allied militia leader, as a "specially designated global terrorist" for his role in undermining security in Iraq. Mirjirash goes by two nom de guerres, Abu Fadak and sometimes, Al Khal, or "the uncle". He is also known by his tribal name Al Muhammadawi.
Al Muhammadawi has worked with Iran’s Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps-Quds Force to “reshape official Iraqi state security institutions away from their true purpose of defending the Iraqi state and fighting ISIS, to instead support Iran’s malign activities, including the defence of the Assad regime in Syria”, the State Department said.
It also accused him of being “involved in sectarian violence, including the abductions of hundreds of men from areas liberated from ISIS control", and establishing militant groups under cover names to attack Iraqi government facilities and diplomatic missions, referring to military bases hosting American troops and the US embassy in Baghdad.
"The Hashdi Al Shaabi congratulates the brave leader, Abu Fadak Al Muhammadawi to be on America's blacklist," the PMF said on its Twitter account, using the group's Arabic name.
The US "has targeted the leaders of the victory who have taken part in eliminating the global terrorism [of ISIS]", it said, posting a picture of a smiling Abu Fadak.
Born in 1968, Al Muhammadawi joined the Badr Corp in the early 1980s, a group established in Iran by an Iraqi opposition party that fought with Iran against Saddam Hussein. He was a close aide to the group’s leader, Hadi Al Amiri, and was in charge of its intelligence service.
After the 2003 US-led invasion that toppled Saddam Hussein, he refused to join the political process and instead established what the US called “special groups” – militants trained, armed and financed by Iran to attack US troops in Iraq.
He later joined the Hezbollah Brigades, one of Iran's most notorious proxy forces, rising to the role of secretary general. Hezbollah Brigades were formed by Abu Mahdi Al Muhandis, who was killed last year in a US air strike with the leader of Iran's Quds Force in Baghdad, Qassem Suleimani.
A person looks at a banner displayed at a commemoration ceremony at Iraq's Baghdad airport on January 2, 2020 to mark the first anniversary of the killing of senior Iranian military commander General Qassem Suleimani and Iraqi militia commander Abu Mahdi Al Muhandis in a US drone strike. Reuters
Supporters of Iraqi Shiite Popular Mobilisation Forces light candles at the site of the US drone attack on January 3, 2019 that killed the Iranian general Qassem Suleimani and Abu Mahdi Al Muhandis, leader of the Iran-backed Kataib Hezbollah militia EPA
Photos of Qassem Suleimani, left, and Abu Mahdi Al Muhandis are placed on the road to Baghdad international airport during a commemoration of their deaths on January 2, 2020. EPA
A supporter of Iraqi Shiite Popular Mobilisation Forces lights candles at the site of US drone attack that killed Qassem Suleimani and Abu Mahdi Al Muhandis. EPA
Popular Mobilisation Forces and their supporters hold posters of Abu Mahdi Al Muhandis and Qassem Suleimani at Baghdad's international airport. AP Photo
Members of the Popular Mobilisation Forces and their supporters chant slogans against the United States at Baghdad's international airport. AP Photo
Supporters of the Popular Mobilisation Forces hold a candlelight vigil at the site of the US drone strike on Qassem Suleimani at Baghdad Airport. AFP
An Iraqi woman holds a portrait of late Iraqi commander Abu Mahdi Al Muhandis and Iranian commander Qassem Suleimani at Baghdad Airport. AFP
An Iraqi girl carries a portrait of late Iraqi commander Abu Mahdi Al Muhandis at Baghdad Airport. AFP
An Iraqi woman carries a portrait of late Iraqi commander Abu Mahdi Al Muhandis and Iranian commander Qassem Suleimani at Baghdad Airport. AFP
Supporters of the Popular Mobilisation Forces hold a candlelight vigil at the site of the January 3, 2019 US drone strike on Qassem Suleimani. AFP
Supporters of the Popular Mobilisation Forces wave Iraqi flags at a gathering outside Baghdad Airport. AFP
An Iraqi woman carries a portrait of Qassem Suleimani and Abu Mahdi Al Muhandis. AFP
In 2017, he left the Hezbollah Brigades over a disagreement with its leaders related to a failed attempt to acquire a ransom, stemming from the kidnapping of Qatari royal family members, who were in Iraq on a hunting trip in 2015.
When pro-reform protests broke out in central and southern Iraq in October 2019, he returned to the Hezbollah Brigades and his name was associated with numerous attacks against the protesters and activists.
The unprecedented protests were seen by the pro-Iran camp in Iraq as being instigated by agents of western embassies. One of the protest demands was to decrease Iran's overbearinginfluence in Iraq. The protests largely died down because of the pandemic and a brutal crackdown by government forces, in particularShiite militias.
An Iraqi protester walks past burning tyres during clashes with police during anti-government demonstrations in the city of Nasiriyah in the Dhi Qar province in southern Iraq. AFP
An Iraqi man walks next to burning tyres during clashes with police during anti-government demonstrations in the city of Nasiriyah in the Dhi Qar province in southern Iraq. AFP
Iraqi protesters are pictured next to burning tyres during clashes with police during anti-government demonstrations in the city of Nasiriyah in the Dhi Qar province in southern Iraq. AFP
Iraqi protesters are pictured next to burning tyres during clashes with police during anti-government demonstrations in the city of Nasiriyah in the Dhi Qar province in southern Iraq. AFP
Iraqi protesters are pictured next to burning tyres during clashes with police during anti-government demonstrations in the city of Nasiriyah in the Dhi Qar province in southern Iraq. AFP
Iraqi protesters are pictured next to burning tyres during clashes with police during anti-government demonstrations in the city of Nasiriyah in the Dhi Qar province in southern Iraq. AFP
Iraqi protesters are pictured next to burning tyres during clashes with police during anti-government demonstrations in the city of Nasiriyah in the Dhi Qar province in southern Iraq on January 10, 2021. / AFP / Asaad NIAZI
Iraqi protesters are pictured next to burning tyres during clashes with police during anti-government demonstrations in the city of Nasiriyah in the Dhi Qar province in southern Iraq. AFP
Iraqi protesters run for cover during clashes with police during anti-government demonstrations in the city of Nasiriyah in the Dhi Qar province in southern Iraq. AFP
Iraqi protesters run for cover during clashes with police during anti-government demonstrations in the city of Nasiriyah in the Dhi Qar province in southern Iraq. AFP
Protesters are pictured in a square as smoke billows following clashes between Iraqi police forces and anti-government protesters in Nasiriyah in southern Iraq. AFP
His nickname, Al Khal, was scrawled on the walls of a multi-storey parking garage in Baghdad that militias attacked in December. At least a dozen protesters were killed at the site. Days later, the same name appeared on the US embassy walls after an attack by the militia members in a phrase that read: “The Uncle passed through here.”
After the killing of Al Muhandis, who was the PMF deputy chairman, Iran-backed militias pushed for Abu Fadak to take his place, but his nomination was rejected by other factions, mainly those who are loyal to the Shiite spiritual cleric, Grand Ayatollah Ali Al Sistani. The latter militia groups choose to follow the Iraqi government’s orders.
"The reason the Trump administration used some of its remaining time in office to complete this designation is because IRGC-QF and fasail [Iran-backed militias] have forged ahead with their uphill battle to make Abu Fadak 'the next [Al] Muhandis'," said Michael Knights, a fellow at the Washington Institute think tank.
FILE - In this Jan. 17, 2020 file photo, released by the official website of the office of the Iranian supreme leader, worshippers chant slogans during Friday prayers ceremony, as a banner show Iranian Revolutionary Guard Gen. Qassem Soleimani, left, and Iraqi Shiite senior militia commander Abu Mahdi al-Muhandis, who were killed in Iraq in a U.S. drone attack on Jan. 3, and a banner which reads in Persian: "Death To America, "at Imam Khomeini Grand Mosque in Tehran, Iran. On Thursday, Jan. 7, 2021, Iraq’s judiciary issued an arrest warrant for outgoing U.S. President Donald Trump in connection with the killing of Soleimani and a al-Muhandis last year. The warrant was issued by a judge in Baghdad’s investigative court tasked with probing the Washington-directed drone strike, the court’s media office said. (Office of the Iranian Supreme Leader via AP, File)
"The US government rightly does not want a known terrorist with American and Iraqi blood on his hands to slip on to the political spectrum, where many other senior fasail members are trying to ensconce themselves as well," Mr Knights wrote in a brief analysis.
The designation will allow the incoming administration “to maintain pressure” on Iran-allied militias, and push other factions to take steps to undermine Hezbollah Brigades and others inside the government, he said.
Since taking office in February as de facto chief of staff, Abu Fadak is rarely seen in public, and seldom appears on camera,unlike Al Muhandis, who seemed to enjoy cultivating the image of a man perpetually on the front lines.
During the commemoration of the anniversary of the death of Suleimani and Al Muhandis, he was seen standing in front of a crowd who called for revenge, while pointing to his eyes – the gesture of a pledge.
Abu Fadak’s designation came a few days after the US Treasury Department’s decision to sanction the PMF chairman, Falih Al Fayyadh, accusing him of human rights offences for his role in quelling the protests, with the support of Iran’s Quds Force.
"Abu Fadak is the new variant of coronavirus in Iraq," an activist told The National. "Hezbollah Brigades are the striking force for Iran in Iraq and had a role in killing and kidnapping protesters and activists," he said.
"We don't see the move as paving the way to try Abu Fadak or Al Fayyadh, but to eliminate them," he said.
Hezbollah Brigades was established in Iraq after 2003, and has no formal links to the Lebanese Hezbollah group.
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Conflict, drought, famine
Estimates of the number of deaths caused by the famine range from 400,000 to 1 million, according to a document prepared for the UK House of Lords in 2024. It has been claimed that the policies of the Ethiopian government, which took control after deposing Emperor Haile Selassie in a military-led revolution in 1974, contributed to the scale of the famine. Dr Miriam Bradley, senior lecturer in humanitarian studies at the University of Manchester, has argued that, by the early 1980s, “several government policies combined to cause, rather than prevent, a famine which lasted from 1983 to 1985. Mengistu’s government imposed Stalinist-model agricultural policies involving forced collectivisation and villagisation [relocation of communities into planned villages]. The West became aware of the catastrophe through a series of BBC News reports by journalist Michael Buerk in October 1984 describing a “biblical famine” and containing graphic images of thousands of people, including children, facing starvation.
Band Aid
Bob Geldof, singer with the Irish rock group The Boomtown Rats, formed Band Aid in response to the horrific images shown in the news broadcasts. With Midge Ure of the band Ultravox, he wrote the hit charity single Do They Know it’s Christmas in December 1984, featuring a string of high-profile musicians. Following the single’s success, the idea to stage a rock concert evolved. Live Aid was a series of simultaneous concerts that took place at Wembley Stadium in London, John F Kennedy Stadium in Philadelphia, the US, and at various other venues across the world. The combined event was broadcast to an estimated worldwide audience of 1.5 billion.
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Advocate at Al Bahar & Associate Advocates and Legal Consultants, established in 1994
Education: Mr Al Bahar was born in 1979 and graduated in 2008 from the Judicial Institute. He took after his father, who was one of the first Emirati lawyers
A 2019 United Nations special analysis on Aids reveals 37 per cent of new HIV infections in the Mena region are from people injecting drugs.
New HIV infections have also risen by 29 per cent in western Europe and Asia, and by 7 per cent in Latin America, but declined elsewhere.
Egypt has shown the highest increase in recorded cases of HIV since 2010, up by 196 per cent.
Access to HIV testing, treatment and care in the region is well below the global average.
Few statistics have been published on the number of cases in the UAE, although a UNAIDS report said 1.5 per cent of the prison population has the virus.
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