Myanmar's Commander-in-Chief, Senior General Min Aung Hlaing, bottom right, and Asean leaders convene during their meeting in Jakarta this week. AP Photo
Myanmar's Commander-in-Chief, Senior General Min Aung Hlaing, bottom right, and Asean leaders convene during their meeting in Jakarta this week. AP Photo
Myanmar's Commander-in-Chief, Senior General Min Aung Hlaing, bottom right, and Asean leaders convene during their meeting in Jakarta this week. AP Photo
The credibility of the Association of South-East Asian Nations (Asean) was at stake in the run-up to what was widely billed as an emergency summit on Myanmar over the weekend. The international community reacted with condemnation and sanctions to the military coup that displaced the country's democratically elected government in February, but thus far nothing has even stalled the junta's jailing of critics and campaign of repression and killing.
If Asean "centrality" – the notion that Asean should be the driving force or at least pivotal to any discussions or actions in the region – was to mean anything at all, the 10-member group Myanmar has been part of since 1997, had to take some kind of stand. With the coup leader, Senior General Min Aung Hlaing, present at talks in Jakarta, would Asean pass the test? Or would it reveal itself to be truly "Nato" – no action, talk only – toothless in the face of a member state potentially descending into civil war or even on the way to becoming a failed state?
In the event, a “Five-Point Consensus” was reached and issued in the name of the current Asean chairman, the Sultan of Brunei. It called for an immediate cessation of violence with all parties exercising utmost restraint; constructive dialogue among all parties to seek a peaceful solution; a special envoy of the Asean Chair to mediate the dialogue process, with the assistance of the Secretary General of Asean; Asean to provide humanitarian assistance; and the special envoy and delegation to visit Myanmar to meet all parties concerned.
Demonstrators flash three-fingers salutes as they march during an anti-military coup protest in Yangon. EPA
By Asean's standards, this was pretty forceful. And it was greeted with approval by the ousted parliamentarians of Aung San Suu Kyi's National League for Democracy and other forces opposed to the junta in Myanmar. The consensus was "encouraging", said Dr Sasa, the international co-operation minister of the parallel National Unity Government. "We look forward to firm action by Asean to follow up its decisions and to restore our democracy and freedom."
If this was an achievement, it was a very Asean-esque achievement: a step forward that still allowed all parties to maintain face. To start with, it was not an “Asean summit”, which are official gatherings held twice a year by the chair country. No, this was a less high-level “Leaders’ Meeting”. Neither was it initiated to address the crisis in Myanmar, or not nominally so according to the chair’s statement. That said, the meeting “was convened with the view to advance Asean Community building, hasten recovery from the Coronavirus Disease 2019 [Covid-19] pandemic, strengthen Asean’s external relations and address pressing issues of common interest to all Asean Member States". The situation in Myanmar was only recognised near the end of the 1,000-word statement.
Nor did Mr Min Aung Hlaing – or MAH, an abbreviation increasingly being used – formally agree with the Five-Point Consensus. He just didn’t disagree. He “did not reject what was put forward by me and many other colleagues", was how Malaysian Prime Minister Muhyiddin Yassin put it. MAH spoke last at the meeting, after all the other participants, and “said he heard us, he would take the point in, which he considered helpful", as Singapore Prime Minister Lee Hsien Loong characterised the military leader’s response.
I'm told the meeting was expected to last two to three hours but went on longer, not least as the continental mainland countries present – Thailand, Vietnam, Laos and Cambodia – were "deeply ambivalent" about its purpose. None of the latter three are functioning democracies. In the case of Thailand, MAH not only has a close friend in its leader Prayuth Chan-ocha, a former general who first came to power as a result of a coup in 2014, but MAH was also "adopted" in 2012 as a kind of godson by possibly the most influential man in the country after the king, the late Prem Tinsulanonda, a former premier, army chief and president of the Privy Council.
No wonder the word is that MAH felt no need to be defensive. Nevertheless, he will have understood the point made by Malaysia's Mr Muhyiddin, who said: “Many around the world want an explanation, and we are finding it increasingly tough to explain. The international community expects Asean to act and address what is happening in our very own backyard.”
Indonesian President Joko Widodo speaks during the Asean meeting in Jakarta at the weekend. AFP
With the force of this statement, the meeting was able to accept the five points, which I understand Brunei and Indonesia (where the Asean Secretariat is headquartered) played a key role in formulating after consultation with the member states.
There was a last-minute change to the consensus – a demand for all political prisoners to be freed was removed, and turned up instead in the chairman’s statement as “we also heard calls for the release of all political prisoners including foreigners".
While Singapore’s Mr Lee warned at the meeting of a “humanitarian disaster” unfolding in Myanmar, MAH will have been pleased to hear him say: “Any solution that returns Myanmar to the path of democratic transition must involve both the Tatmadaw [the armed forces], which has always been a key institution in Myanmar's body politic, and also the National League for Democracy, which commands popular support.”
That will infuriate implacable opponents of the armed forces such as the activist Dr Maung Zarni, who considers the Tatmadaw to be an “existential threat” to the country, but Mr Lee was echoing a view deemed to be unpalatable but realistic almost universally in the region.
Likewise most will concur with Malaysia’s Mr Muhyiddin when he told a news conference on Saturday: “We have succeeded. It’s beyond our expectation in getting the outcome from today’s meeting.” Given Asean’s composition and its stress on “non-interference” in each others’ affairs, the group really did as much as could reasonably be expected.
Euan Graham, a Singapore-based analyst, recently wrote that “Asean centrality is the hole in the doughnut. Integral to the design, but not the most filling part". But if Asean wastes no time in acting on its statements after the Jakarta meeting, with the swift appointment of a special envoy and concrete moves on the ground, it will have proved that its “centrality” is not just a void, as per Mr Graham’s amusing description, but something tangible and consequential. Asean passes the test. For now.
Sholto Byrnes is an East Asian affairs columnist for The National
A man holds a National League for Democracy flag during a protest against the military coup in Yangon, Myanmar. Reuters
Protesters set fire to tyres on a road to slow the progress of security forces in Yangon. Getty Images
Protesters stand behind a barricade while waiting for security forces to approach in Yangon. Getty Images
A protester stands near a fire during a demonstration in Dala township, Yangon. AP Photo
Protesters gesture with a three-finger salute in Thaketa township Yangon. AP Photo
Protesters hurl back tear gas canisters towards police in Mandalay. AP Photo
Protesters take cover during a protest against the military coup in Mandalay. EPA
Protesters take part in a demonstration against the military coup in Yangon's Tamwe township. AFP
Protesters take part in a demonstration against the military coup in Yangon's Tamwe township. AFP
A resident flashes the three-finger salute as demonstrators march during a protest against the military coup in Mandalay. EPA
A protester walks past makeshift barricades set up to deter security forces in Yangon's Hlaing township. AFP
A man stands behind a barricade during a protest against the military coup in Yangon. Reuters
People stand on a barricade during a protest against the military coup in Yangon. Reuters
Protesters extinguish fires during a protest in Thaketa township Yangon. AP Photo
A man holds a makeshift gun in Yangon. Reuters
Protesters prepare makeshift bow and arrows to confront police in Thaketa township Yangon. AP Photo
Family members cry in front of a man after he was shot dead during an anti-coup protesters crackdown in Yangon. Reuters
A protester throws a smoke bomb in Thaketa township Yangon. AP Photo
People walk on a street as barricades burn behind them in Mandalay. reuters
Smoke rises over Thaketa township in Yangon as security forces continue their crackdown on protests against the military coup. AFP
How Islam's view of posthumous transplant surgery changed
Transplants from the deceased have been carried out in hospitals across the globe for decades, but in some countries in the Middle East, including the UAE, the practise was banned until relatively recently.
Opinion has been divided as to whether organ donations from a deceased person is permissible in Islam.
The body is viewed as sacred, during and after death, thus prohibiting cremation and tattoos.
One school of thought viewed the removal of organs after death as equally impermissible.
That view has largely changed, and among scholars and indeed many in society, to be seen as permissible to save another life.
The biog
Favourite films: Casablanca and Lawrence of Arabia
Favourite books: Start with Why by Simon Sinek and Good to be Great by Jim Collins
Favourite dish: Grilled fish
Inspiration: Sheikh Zayed's visionary leadership taught me to embrace new challenges.
Mercer, the investment consulting arm of US services company Marsh & McLennan, expects its wealth division to at least double its assets under management (AUM) in the Middle East as wealth in the region continues to grow despite economic headwinds, a company official said.
Mercer Wealth, which globally has $160 billion in AUM, plans to boost its AUM in the region to $2-$3bn in the next 2-3 years from the present $1bn, said Yasir AbuShaban, a Dubai-based principal with Mercer Wealth.
“Within the next two to three years, we are looking at reaching $2 to $3 billion as a conservative estimate and we do see an opportunity to do so,” said Mr AbuShaban.
Mercer does not directly make investments, but allocates clients’ money they have discretion to, to professional asset managers. They also provide advice to clients.
“We have buying power. We can negotiate on their (client’s) behalf with asset managers to provide them lower fees than they otherwise would have to get on their own,” he added.
Mercer Wealth’s clients include sovereign wealth funds, family offices, and insurance companies among others.
From its office in Dubai, Mercer also looks after Africa, India and Turkey, where they also see opportunity for growth.
Wealth creation in Middle East and Africa (MEA) grew 8.5 per cent to $8.1 trillion last year from $7.5tn in 2015, higher than last year’s global average of 6 per cent and the second-highest growth in a region after Asia-Pacific which grew 9.9 per cent, according to consultancy Boston Consulting Group (BCG). In the region, where wealth grew just 1.9 per cent in 2015 compared with 2014, a pickup in oil prices has helped in wealth generation.
BCG is forecasting MEA wealth will rise to $12tn by 2021, growing at an annual average of 8 per cent.
Drivers of wealth generation in the region will be split evenly between new wealth creation and growth of performance of existing assets, according to BCG.
Another general trend in the region is clients’ looking for a comprehensive approach to investing, according to Mr AbuShaban.
“Institutional investors or some of the families are seeing a slowdown in the available capital they have to invest and in that sense they are looking at optimizing the way they manage their portfolios and making sure they are not investing haphazardly and different parts of their investment are working together,” said Mr AbuShaban.
Some clients also have a higher appetite for risk, given the low interest-rate environment that does not provide enough yield for some institutional investors. These clients are keen to invest in illiquid assets, such as private equity and infrastructure.
“What we have seen is a desire for higher returns in what has been a low-return environment specifically in various fixed income or bonds,” he said.
“In this environment, we have seen a de facto increase in the risk that clients are taking in things like illiquid investments, private equity investments, infrastructure and private debt, those kind of investments were higher illiquidity results in incrementally higher returns.”
The Abu Dhabi Investment Authority, one of the largest sovereign wealth funds, said in its 2016 report that has gradually increased its exposure in direct private equity and private credit transactions, mainly in Asian markets and especially in China and India. The authority’s private equity department focused on structured equities owing to “their defensive characteristics.”
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Sharad Nair recommends three investment apps for UAE residents:
For beginners or people who want to start investing with limited capital, Mr Nair suggests eToro. “The low fees and low minimum balance requirements make the platform more accessible,” he says. “The user interface is straightforward to understand and operate, while its social element may help ease beginners into the idea of investing money by looking to a virtual community.”
If you’re an experienced investor, and have $10,000 or more to invest, consider Saxo Bank. “Saxo Bank offers a more comprehensive trading platform with advanced features and insight for more experienced users. It offers a more personalised approach to opening and operating an account on their platform,” he says.
Finally, StashAway could work for those who want a hands-off approach to their investing. “It removes one of the biggest challenges for novice traders: picking the securities in their portfolio,” Mr Nair says. “A goal-based approach or view towards investing can help motivate residents who may usually shy away from investment platforms.”
Iftar programme at the Sheikh Mohammed Centre for Cultural Understanding
Established in 1998, the Sheikh Mohammed Centre for Cultural Understanding was created with a vision to teach residents about the traditions and customs of the UAE. Its motto is ‘open doors, open minds’. All year-round, visitors can sign up for a traditional Emirati breakfast, lunch or dinner meal, as well as a range of walking tours, including ones to sites such as the Jumeirah Mosque or Al Fahidi Historical Neighbourhood.
Every year during Ramadan, an iftar programme is rolled out. This allows guests to break their fast with the centre’s presenters, visit a nearby mosque and observe their guides while they pray. These events last for about two hours and are open to the public, or can be booked for a private event.
Until the end of Ramadan, the iftar events take place from 7pm until 9pm, from Saturday to Thursday. Advanced booking is required.
Pay varies significantly depending on the school, its rating and the curriculum. Here's a rough guide as of January 2021:
- top end schools tend to pay Dh16,000-17,000 a month - plus a monthly housing allowance of up to Dh6,000. These tend to be British curriculum schools rated 'outstanding' or 'very good', followed by American schools
- average salary across curriculums and skill levels is about Dh10,000, recruiters say
- it is becoming more common for schools to provide accommodation, sometimes in an apartment block with other teachers, rather than hand teachers a cash housing allowance
- some strong performing schools have cut back on salaries since the pandemic began, sometimes offering Dh16,000 including the housing allowance, which reflects the slump in rental costs, and sheer demand for jobs
- maths and science teachers are most in demand and some schools will pay up to Dh3,000 more than other teachers in recognition of their technical skills
- at the other end of the market, teachers in some Indian schools, where fees are lower and competition among applicants is intense, can be paid as low as Dh3,000 per month
- in Indian schools, it has also become common for teachers to share residential accommodation, living in a block with colleagues
