Protesters on horseback rally against the death in Minneapolis police custody of George Floyd, through central Houston, Texas. Reuters
A broken Statue of Liberty figure is seen between glass shatters outside a looted souvenir shop after a night of protest against the death of an African-American man George Floyd in Minneapolis in Manhattan in New York City. AFP
People, who gathered in protest against the death of George Floyd, peacefully march to the White House in Washington DC. EPA
Philonise Floyd, brother of George Floyd, who died in Minneapolis police custody, is surrounded by family members as he speaks at a protest rally against his brother’s death, in Houston, Texas. Reuters
George Floyd's daughter, Gianna Floyd, 6, is seen during a press conference at Minneapolis City Hall following the death in Minneapolis police custody of George Floyd in Minneapolis, Minnesota. Reuters
A Somali-American couple, alongside protesters calling for justice for the death of George Floyd, waits after curfew outside the Cup Foods in Minneapolis, Minnesota. AFP
Thousands of protesters turn out for a sit-in at the State capitol, more than a week after George Floyd's death while under arrest, in St Paul, Minnesota. EPA
A police officer kneels during a protest against the death in Minneapolis police custody of George Floyd, outside LAPD headquarters in Los Angeles, California. Reuters
Protesters during a 'Black Lives Matter' demonstration in New York City. AFP
A protester holds a placard during a demonstration after French medical experts exonerated the gendarmes involved in the arrest of Adama Traore, a young black man who died in police custody in 2016, outside the 'Tribunal de Paris' courthouse in Paris. AFP
Turkish leftist demonstrators clash with police at Kadikoy in Istanbul, as leftist groups gather in support of US protesters against the death of George Floyd in Minneapolis police custody, and against police violence in Turkey. AFP
A woman stands in front of Police officers, in downtown Las Vegas, as they take part in a 'Black lives matter' rally in response to the recent death of George Floyd, an unarmed black man who died in police custody. AFP
People take part in a protest against the death in Minneapolis police custody of George Floyd, at Trump International Hotel in New York. Reuters
A demonstrator holds a sign during a rally following the death in Minneapolis police custody of George Floyd, in Boston, Massachusetts. Reuters
A demonstrator reacts during a rally following the death in Minneapolis police custody of George Floyd, in Boston, Massachusetts. Reuters
Canadian Prime Minister Justin Trudeau responds to a question on racism during a news conference outside Rideau Cottage in Ottawa. Mr Trudeau said Canadians were watching what’s unfolding in the US with 'horror and consternation'. AP
Members of the National Guard take a knee as people protest against the death of George Floyd in Minneapolis police custody, in Hollywood, Califronia. EPA
Black Lives Matter has been one of the great phenomena of 2020, with huge demonstrations taking place in support of the movement from North America and Europe to Australia. There were no protests in Malaysia, however, partly because the general view was that mass gatherings of any kind could be fatally foolish in the middle of a pandemic; the virus wasn't going to give you a pass because you believe your cause is just. But also because, as is the case in many Asian countries, there is little popular appetite for progressive politics of almost any kind.
That may turn out to be truer than expected in some western countries, too. A recent survey by the UK polling firm Opinium found that 55 per cent of British citizens thought the BLM protests had increased racial tension in the country, with only 17 per cent disagreeing. Remarkably, that view was shared by 44 per cent of minority ethnic people who were asked – not an overall majority, but far more than the just over 20 per cent who disagreed.
Whatever one thinks of BLM, in one very important way its impact in the UK has clearly been highly counter-productive. If this is also the case with many of the other "new" progressive causes – such as identity politics and gender fluidity – as I suspect it is, its proponents need to ask what has gone so badly wrong with their approach. They might also question why they have made at most negligible inroads into that vast majority of the globe who live in developing countries.
Mercedes driver Lewis Hamilton and ihs Ferrari counterpart Sebastian Vettel take the knee in support of the Black Lives Matter campaign in Bahrain. AP Photo
One answer, I would suggest, is that while many are open to reform, far fewer are keen on the idea of revolution, still less on revolutionary compulsion. Many of the new progressive causes – I am distinguishing them from more traditional left-wing concerns about poverty and economic inequality – spring from worthy sentiments. We should be inclusive and kind, and not discriminate on the grounds of difference. We should do far more to acknowledge the effects past injustices still have on many today.
In their execution, however, these campaigns in mainly western countries have been revolutionary and have sought to compel. Centuries-old norms, such as what it means to be a man or a woman, for instance, have been torn up, and feminists who argue that the old distinctions must be maintained have been subjected to vile abuse and threats. "Taking the knee" has become compulsory for figures in sports and politics, for fear of being condemned as racist should they wish to convey their support in another manner. (Thus removing real meaning from the gesture; for if the act is not carried out freely, why should it be deserving of praise?) The new progressives brook no nuance or dissent. They are Stalinist in their insistence that all should agree with and act according to their "truth".
Now, thinking that what you believe is right is also right for everyone else is nothing new. That is the essence of adherence to any system of “universal values”, and proponents of western liberal democracy – with all the suites of “rights” that entails – are just as committed to that principle. The latter, though, have generally been a little more diplomatic in promoting their worldview. While lecturing countries in Asia and Africa on human rights (their version of that concept, naturally), they still concede – at least a little – that countries differ on what liberties should be enshrined in law or where the parameters of acceptable behaviour should be set.
So, for example, western universalists may not agree with the Cairo Declaration on Human Rights in Islam, published by the Organisation of Islamic Co-operation in 1990, but they would deal with the fact that it ends with lines that indicate a significantly different set of values: “All the rights and freedoms stipulated in this declaration are subject to the Islamic Sharia. The Islamic Sharia is the only source of reference for the explanation or clarification of any of the articles of this declaration.”
The new progressives’ approach, on the other hand, is simply to label anyone who disagrees with them as “bigoted”. Both in the West and in the rest of the world, this alienates liberals who might otherwise be quite sympathetic to where they are coming from, and it refuses to give any credit to the vast number of people who are fundamentally “small c” social conservatives.
The latter represent the overwhelming majority in all four of the Arabian Gulf and South-East Asian countries I have lived and worked in both as a child and as an adult. I have been lucky to learn much from these societies, and have gained enormous respect as a result for traditions, customs, ideas about cohesion, and attitudes towards religion and authority, that varied from my own. But the new progressives seem incapable of admitting that those with traditional values – who don’t want to overthrow capitalism or disrupt the nuclear family – can be decent and admirable people, too. Their very conservatism is deemed a “sin” for which they cannot be forgiven.
Rashida Tlaib, Ilhan Omar, Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez and Ayanna Pressley are leading the left wing of the Democratic Party. EPA
The new progressives' approach is simply to label anyone who disagrees with them as 'bigoted'
It is likely that such people make up the majority in countries like the UK and US as well. Many in the past voted for left-wing parties, but are baffled why the new progressives who hold such sway over Britain's Labour Party and a wing of the Democratic Party in America appear to have abandoned the struggle for the working class and labour, for issues that seem to them to be less central, and which sometimes affect a tiny minority. They are put off, too, by the divisiveness and the harshness with which those who are not signed up to the very latest iteration of progressivism are treated.
I am sure that most of the new progressives are well-meaning people. But they have lost their way, and their efforts are becoming self-defeating, as the survey on BLM shows. For a start, they might look to consensus and emphasis on communal harmony so valued in the Asian countries in which I have lived. They might not agree, but they could surely learn from them how to fight a better fight – or better still, to persuade without rancour.
Sholto Byrnes is an East Asian affairs columnist for The National
MATCH INFO
France 3
Umtiti (8'), Griezmann (29' pen), Dembele (63')
A widely accepted definition was made by the All Party Parliamentary Group on British Muslims in 2019: “Islamophobia is rooted in racism and is a type of racism that targets expressions of Muslimness or perceived Muslimness.” It further defines it as “inciting hatred or violence against Muslims”.
iPhone XS
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iPhone XS Max
It is expected to be a grander version of the iPhone X with a 6.5-inch screen; an inch bigger than the screen of the iPhone 8 Plus. Price: Dh4,649
iPhone XR
A low-cost version of the iPhone X with a 6.1-inch screen, it is expected to attract mass attention. According to industry experts, it is likely to have aluminium edges instead of stainless steel. Price: Dh3,179
Apple Watch Series 4
More comprehensive health device with edge-to-edge displays that are more than 30 per cent bigger than displays on current models.
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Try out the test yourself
Q1 Suppose you had $100 in a savings account and the interest rate was 2 per cent per year. After five years, how much do you think you would have in the account if you left the money to grow? a) More than $102 b) Exactly $102 c) Less than $102 d) Do not know e) Refuse to answer
Q2 Imagine that the interest rate on your savings account was 1 per cent per year and inflation was 2 per cent per year. After one year, how much would you be able to buy with the money in this account? a) More than today b) Exactly the same as today c) Less than today d) Do not know e) Refuse to answer
Q4 Do you think that the following statement is true or false? “Buying a single company stock usually provides a safer return than a stock mutual fund.” a) True b) False d) Do not know e) Refuse to answer
The “Big Three” financial literacy questions were created by Professors Annamaria Lusardi of the George Washington School of Business and Olivia Mitchell, of the Wharton School of the University of Pennsylvania.
Answers:Q1 More than $102 (compound interest). Q2 Less than today (inflation). Q3 False (diversification).